One of the charges against that doyen of Pakistani leftist politics, the late Wali Khan, when his NAP was being disbanded after the Hyderabad conspiracy case, was that the party had envisioned a very limited role for the centre. That all the centre should be entrusted with should be monetary policy, defence and foreign affairs; that the federating units should take care of all the rest.
How quaint and feeble these charges look now in 2011. Ironically, these were just about the only accusations that were true in that witch-hunt of a trial. More ironic, still, that it is on the watch of the party that was persecuting the NAP that the first real, tangible efforts towards devolution have taken place. The federal cabinet approved the day before the devolution of seven ministries to the provinces, completing the process just before the deadline that was set for it in the 18th amendment to the constitution. This was the third phase of devolution – many other ministries have been dissolved since the amendment. With this, 17 federal ministries and the Concurrent List of subjects stand dissolved. Good riddance.
But it isn’t over. We’re in a tricky phase now. Only the seven ministries of the latest phase would affect around 37,000 employees, with only 2,000 of them being retained by the federal government. They are going to have to be readjusted in an appropriate manner. Then there is the lack of capacity on part of the provincial governments in dealing with these new portfolios. Struggling with the departments they already have, the provinces need to make sure they don’t present a working model for the centralists to use to illustrate how they were right all along.
Though this devolution is admirable indeed, the next level of devolution – to the districts – should not be forgotten. Even if it is left to each provincial government to decide the extent to which the local governments would be empowered. The provinces should show the same grace to the districts and local governments that was finally accorded to them by the centre.
Devolution to district or local levels will remain a mere dream and, as a consequence, there will be more and more demands for more and more provinces. But powers will remain stuck at higher levels, no matter how many more provinces are generated. As long as constituency politics remains a fact, neither we can have serious focus on legislation by our MNAs and MPAs nor uniform development within respective constituencies. Since constituency politics is directly in conflict with devolution of powers at district and local levels, we need to address the root-cause instead keep on wishing or keep on treating symbols only.
If we want to eliminate this conflict of interest based on constituency politics, we need to go for proportional representation at provincial and federal levels. However, direct elections is most suitable mechanism at district and lower levels as the nearness to developmental activities provides instant accountability for direct beneficiaries and complainants.
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