What have we learnt from the Jhang by-polls?

Well, for one thing – sectarianism is still thriving

Results of the recently-held by polls in PP 78 of Jhang in which the candidate backed by a banned sectarian outfit stood victorious came as a shock to many, especially the minority groups of the country who fear for their safety.

The winning candidate Masroor Jhangvi, who contested in individual capacity, is the son of anti-Shia banned militant outfit Sipah Sahaba (SSP)’s founder Haq Nawaz Jhangvi. SSP was founded in 1985, which after being banned started operating with different names. In 1990s anti-Shia violence was at its peak in the Punjab province and Jhang has always been the hub of sectarianism. Punjab government is often criticised for not carrying out an operation against the sectarian terrorist group mostly based in South Punjab.

This is certainly not the first time an extremist has won the elections from Jhang. Azam Tariq of the banned SSP was thrice elected as MPA. You might think that with the paradigm shift in Pakistan’s policy vis-à-vis terrorism post-Army Public School (APS) attack, sectarian politics came to an end, but the results of the recent polls tell a different tale altogether.

There are a number of things about this particular election that are concerning. First, the fact that an extremist candidate supported by a banned outfit was cleared by the Election Commission of Pakistan to contest election, speaks volume about flaws in the country’s electoral system. Secondly, Jhangvi bagged more than 48,000 votes and was ahead of his nearest rival by over 13,000 votes. These numbers are extraordinarily unusual for an independent candidate, and show that sectarianism was a major factor that influenced the polls and that this menace is still thriving in the country, even in 2016.

The last time banned SSP had formal representation in parliament was back in 1993, when they had 2 MNAs and 1 MPA. Now they are once again going to have a voice in the assembly, which will possibly match that of 1990s. All efforts against sectarianism seem to be going back to square one.

ASWJ had backed Jhangvi:

Banned terror outfit Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal Jamaat (formerly SSP) had also submitted nomination papers for the Jhang by-polls. Ahmed Ludhianvi, the outfit’s chief, was all set to run for the election but withdrew the nomination papers at the last moment in favour of Masroor Jhangvi and took active part in his election campaign, urging his supporters to vote for Jhangvi.

Masroor Jhangvi’s election campaign was based on hate speech and incitement to violence which is not surprising given his background and affiliation. But what is surprising is the fact that not once did the National (in)Action Plan came into action. He was allowed to go ahead with the campaign despite protest from civil society activists and one of the ruling party’s own members MNA Sheikh Waqas Akram. Akram, who is from the same constituency of Jhang, expressed concern over ECP’s decision allowing Masroor Jhangvi to run for elections and termed it a failure of the National Action Plan. You know there is something seriously wrong with the policies of the government when its own members express dissatisfaction.

Government on way to undo progress made under Zarb-e-Azb:

A few days ago politicians and media were paying tribute to the outgoing army chief General Raheel Shareef for his achievements against terrorism. General Raheeel undoubtedly played a significant role in fight against terrorists and led operation Zarb-e-Azb which declined the number of large-scale terror attacks. But by allowing extremist sectarian groups to carry out political activities, the government is on its way to undo all the progress made against terrorism in operation Zarb-e-Azb. It is ironic when the government claims that terrorism is soon going to meet its ‘logical end’ while allowing ideological brothers of those who are fighting our military in the tribal areas space in parliamentary politics.

The victory of Jhangvi comes at a time when a new wave of anti-Shia violence has erupted in the country, with terrorists carrying out small and big attacks targeting the community. Targeted killing of the Shia community is rampant in Karachi these days and the recent incidents of violence against the community have claimed three lives in the last month and injured five other people. Sindh police DSP Faiz Ali Shigri was among those killed. Earlier in October, five Hazara Shi’a women were shot dead in Quetta after being identified.

Someone who received votes in the name of Shia hatred and incited violence throughout his campaign will soon be taking oath as member of Pakistan’s largest provincial assembly. This seems to be the government’s way of telling the Shia community to brace itself for further attacks.

Is NAP dead?

Masroor Jhangvi’s presence in the House will be an insult to the blood of the Pakistanis who lost their lives to terror. With his oath-taking, the National Action Plan will be buried for good. And no, it’s not the ‘beauty of democracy’ when an extremist makes it to the assembly. If anything, it shows that Pakistan’s laws are not strong enough to deal with those who spew venom and spread division among people on basis of sect or religion.

It also shows that the people of Pakistan have not yet fully understood how dangerous sectarianism is for the stability of the country; it can give rise to a civil war, which is the last thing this already-troubled land can afford right now.