Breaking from the mould
The Hurriyat camp repeated the strategy of reacting to HR violations by calling for general strikes and protest marches subsequent to Shopian rape and murder in 2009
Recently senior Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Geelani declared victory over critics stating that there was no alternative to “hartal” (strike calls); and that no one, according to him, had so far floated any practicable idea that could replace “hartal”. Success of three strike calls in quick succession on February 9, 11, and 15, within the span of a week should not have led a leader of his stature to believe that the movement for right to self-determination could be successfully conducted only by resorting to reactive tactics like “hartal” and “chalo” (protest march) to a certain place.
Historical experience tells us that the RSD movement in Kashmir has somewhat stagnated since about 2007. That year India and Pakistan, throwing RSD to the wind, were at the threshold of an agreement on Kashmir. The resistance camp seemed to have lost its force. But two events changed the course of history. President General Musharraf of Pakistan brought upon himself the wrath of entire Pakistani nation when in March he dismissed the Chief Justice of his country. This brought about his downfall and resulted in the Four Point Formula on Kashmir being dumped.
In Kashmir the allotment of forest land by provincial government to the Amarnath Shrine Board brought the whole population of the Valley on the roads to protest against the land allotment. At this time the Hurriyat camp jumped on the occasion and “adopted” what was a spontaneous uprising of masses because they thought the allotment was the first step towards settling non-Muslims in Kashmir to convert Muslims into a minority. When Chief Minister Azad cancelled the land allotment the people cooled off.
Since then the leaders of the RSD movement in Kashmir have mastered the art of reacting to human rights violations in Kashmir by Indian armed forces by calling for “hartal” or “chalo”. Not that they had not till then resorted to calling for strikes or marches. But since 2008 “hartals” and “chalos” became the chief means to conduct the movement. The government responded by imposing restrictions to foil the marches.
The Hurriyat camp repeated the strategy of reacting to HR violations by calling for general strikes and protest marches subsequent to Shopian rape and murder in 2009; and also when men in uniform killed 110 teenagers in 2010. Thus it became a systematic practice with the Hurriyat camp to react with “hartals” and “chalos” in response to HR violations in Kashmir. Imagine if armed forces stop committing HR violations where will the reactive freedom movement end? But, since it is unlikely that armed forces will stop killing Kashmiris because in that case the industry of terror run by intelligence agencies will crumble and spymasters will lose control of secret service funding, Hurriyat may always get a chance to call for a general strike or a protest march. For now, it seems that the Hurriyat camp may become defunct in the long run because no movement can be sustained without changing strategies now and then.
In order to launch a dynamic movement Hurriyat can start parallel campaigns like a campaign to pressurise India to return the mortal remains of Maqbool Butt and Afzal Guru to their homeland
In order to launch a dynamic movement Hurriyat can start parallel campaigns like a campaign to pressurise India to return the mortal remains of Maqbool Butt and Afzal Guru to their homeland; another campaign to pressurise Pakistan to properly rehabilitate Kashmiri migrants, reportedly 40,000 in number, who crossed the LoC in and after 1990; another campaign to facilitate purchase of land and construction of residential houses by those migrant Kashmiri Pandits who really wanted to return to their homeland.
Moreover, they can ask Pakistan to allow regional plebiscites in “Azad Kashmir” and Gilgit-Baltistan areas. Pakistan should have no objection to such a course of action as they recognise the former princely state of Kashmir as disputed territory, the dispute to be resolved through a UN-sponsored plebiscite. Till such a time as the government of India also recognises Kashmir as a disputed territory, Pakistan can be asked to allow UN-sponsored regional plebiscites in GB and “Azad Kashmir”. Regional plebiscites, as recommended by UN Mediator Sir Owen Dixon, would be a better alternative because a unitary plebiscite will adversely affect the non-Muslim majority zones of Ladakh and Jammu. Unitary plebiscite may result in the creation of another dispute because the Hindus of Jammu and Buddhists of Leh will contest its result. Should Pakistan succeed in bringing UN back to Kashmir in the name of regional plebiscites in GB and “Azad Kashmir”, it would be difficult for India to stop UN intervention in India administered Kashmir.
Concurrently, India (having declared Kashmir as its integral part without allowing a plebiscite in 1949 and thereafter) could be better pressurised by pro-self-determination elements to accept the disputed nature of Kashmir State if they manage to get themselves elected. In order to leave the field clear for them, Hurriyat needs to desist from raising hurdles before them by issuing boycott calls at election time. Once pro-RSD elements contest elections, under the Kashmir constitution, and enter the provincial Legislative Assembly they can call into question the entire constitution making process of 1950s on the grounds that the October 1951 Constituent Assembly elections were fraudulent; that no one had been allowed to contest against National Conference renegades; that no voting had actually taken place; that an unelected Constituent Assembly had no business to ratify in 1954 Kashmir State’s Accession to India, or pass in 1956 a constitution that declared the entire State as part of India although 25 per cent seats earmarked for “Azad Kashmir” and GB had not been filled. Also they can demand amendment of Section 147 of Kashmir Constitution which the unelected Constituent Assembly had declared non-amendable. They can also demand dissolution of LOC; unification of Kashmir State; and opening up of Srinagar-Rawalpindi Road, being the only natural route in and out of Kashmir Valley.
One more thing. If Engineer Rashid can talk of celebrating myths like “state republic day” and “state flag” then the freedom camp can also (in fact they should) talk of reviving the observance of August 14 as “Yomi-Kashmir” (Kashmir Day), which was initially appointed as such by Punjabi sympathisers of Kashmir like Allama Iqbal, etc. On August 14 “Yomi-Kashmir” every year the Hurriyat camp can educate Kashmiris on the Kashmir freedom movement.
The writer is a Kashmir based journalist.
