Netanyahu, Modi doubling up on Kashmir

• Pakistan might soon have to reconsider its narrative

The Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s visit to India last week – the first by an Israeli premier in the past fifteen years – largely went under the radar in Pakistan, where the Zainab murder case and the Tahir-ul-Qadri led opposition coalition hogged the limelight.

This was in stark contrast to Netanyahu’s Indian counterparty visiting Israel six months ago, which was flaunted as the fulfillment of the ‘Zionist Hindutva’ conspiracies by the local media.

More than the ideological counterbalancing, what has been interesting Islamabad in the corridors of power is the cooperation on defence and ‘anti-terrorism’ efforts.

India has previously maintained its distance from Israel primarily owing to its dependence on oil supply from Arab countries, and also because of a significant Muslim population. But now there’s a visible turn around.

That Modi is expected to visit Palestine on February 10, less than a month after hosting Netanyahu, shows that India is garnering support from both sides – albeit varyingly

With Pakistan not likely to recognise Israel as state – something that can be done, without condoning the violence in Palestine – India can have diplomatic monopoly on that particular front. And while most of Pakistani interests in Israel have focused on outrageous allegations and threats – then defence minister and now foreign minister, Khawaja Asif, issued a nuclear threat to Israel over a fake tweet in 2016 – New Delhi’s cooperation with Tel Aviv/Jerusalem has gone beyond the realm of conspiracy theories.

This is despite the fact that the Israeli prime minister has dismissed the idea that partnership with New Delhi poses a threat to Islamabad, saying that his country is “not an enemy of Pakistan”, and his claims that the visit focused more on “economic developments” and did not have military focus.

But multi-pronged weaponry negotiations headlined the six-day visit. Deals signed last summer included India buying 8,000 Spike anti-tank missiles from Israel’s Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, and the Barak-8 air defense systems from Israel Aerospace Industries.

This at a time of military reshuffling, especially on the arms front, amidst the Donald Trump regime in Washington falling out with Islamabad. There are now two broad camps on this front – US, Israel, India, Japan and Australia – and China, Russia, Pakistan, Turkey and Iran.

Despite indicating that there’s nothing against Pakistan Netanyahu made a vow to “catch” the Pakistani militants responsible for the murder of an Israeli couple in the Mumbai attacks. This is among the many statements that the Israelis have given echoing Indian stance on militancy allegedly originating in Pakistan, and more critically – for Islamabad – the indicating the backing of New Delhi’s narrative on Kashmir.

Before Modi’s visit, the Israeli foreign ministry vowed joint cooperation in the ‘fight against terrorism’. “We are both suffering from the same scourge. I really don’t see any difference between the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Hamas… A terrorist is a terrorist,” said Mark Sofer, the deputy director general of Israeli foreign ministry.

Sofer’s statement had come as the US State Department sanctioned Hizbul Mujahideen and United Jihad Council leader Syed Salahuddin as a “Specially Designated Global Terrorist”, which echoed the stance that Trump laid out at an “Islamic summit” in Riyadh in May last year.

Further, with increasing US pressure on Hafiz Saeed, the narrative that Kashmir-bound militancy in Pakistan is “terrorism” has grown from New Delhi to now reverberating in Washington and Tel Aviv/Jerusalem.

Of course, Netanyahu doubling up on Kashmir with Modi suits his state’s stance on Palestine. But the Indian premier’s diplomatic success can be gauged by the fact that he continues to woo Israel, despite rejecting the declaration of Jerusalem being its capital. Not only that, New Delhi also successfully seems to have the Palestinians on board after their ambassador to Pakistan Walid Abu Ali was called back after joining a Hafiz Saeed rally last month.

For its part, Islamabad seems to be hyphenating Palestine and Kashmir as well, but to contrasting results. While putting Kashmir together with Palestine might give Pakistan more global reach – considering that there hasn’t been a UN Security Council resolution on Kashmir since 1957 with 47 on the Israel-Palestine issue in the same time – any Palestinian cooperation with India would be severely damaging.

That Modi is expected to visit Palestine on February 10, less than a month after hosting Netanyahu, shows that India is garnering support from both sides – albeit varyingly.

Pakistan might soon have to reconsider its narrative on Kashmir, and echo it on humanistic and not Islamist grounds. Failing that, even putting Islamabad’s stance on the Palestinian bandwagon mightn’t suffice in mustering a sufficient number of ears around the world.