PESHAWAR: Politicians are single-handedly responsible for the fragile democratic set up in the country as they are more inclined towards somersaults, also called horse trading, in order to climb the ladder of power or to get financially attractive and socially beneficial slots in the government.
The history of horse trading and buying loyalties started in Pakistan with the inception of the country, when All India Muslim League successfully replaced All Indian National Congress and its allied governments in Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (formerly North-West Frontier Province).
Later the initiative was inherited by the ‘establishment’ and styled on the policies of former British rulers. The new setup was rejected by almost all Bengali leaders and parliamentarians who said that state decisions were being made by a particular mindset that was bent on converting the minority population into a majority and vice versa. As a result, the majority was left with no option but to start a struggle to gain independence from West Pakistan.
Following the fall of Dhaka in 1971, politicians from both the treasury and opposition benches had joined hands to secure the area of what remained of Pakistan, comprising of Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan provinces.
In the short history of the country, the stakeholders had unanimously passed the first ever social contract in the shape of 1973 constitution which guaranteed the rights and interests of three smaller federating units through the upper house of Senate of Pakistan. Unfortunately, soon after adopting the 1973 constitution, late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had indulged in politics of horse trading, while the opposition parties had started politics of alliances.
Confrontation between both the sides culminated in the imposition of martial law in July 1977. Like his predecessors, the then military dictator Ziaul Haq had managed to get the support of leading and influential political figures to support his ‘Majlis-i-Shura’, which was still an essential part of the 1973 constitution.
With the end of Ziaul Haq’s rule in 1988, one was expecting a “change” in policies of followers of Zulfiqar Bhutto and his Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), but supporters of democracy found the situation on ground very different. In order to save the first ever government of late Benazir Bhutto, her associates had airlifted almost all members of National Assembly (MNAs) to Swat, whereas Nawaz Sharif had hosted a gathering of opposition MPs in Changa Manga to topple the PPP setup in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
A power tussle between the two parties ended with the toppling of Nawaz Sharif’s government in October 1999. Both the rivals and former prime ministers Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, after suffering from political uncertainty in Pakistan, realised the need for political reconciliation and proceeded to sign the Charter of Democracy in London on May 14, 2006.
Unfortunately, leaders of PPP and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) have termed it a “meaningless document” after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto. Soon after 2008 general elections, former president Asif Ali Zardari had inducted PML-N nominees in the federal cabinet and PPP nominees in Punjab government. But within months, the understanding between the two sides was shattered into pieces. Since mid-2008, political rivalries have now transformed into hostilities, thus providing opportunities to a third force to exploit the situation.
Though one can differ on the issue, but it was a fact that the disqualification of former prime minister Nawaz Sharif caused the worst kind of unrest amongst people throughout the country. Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf (PTI) chairman Imran Khan had been eyeing the slot of prime minister, and for this purpose he had been engaged in reaching out to influential politicians who occupied important ministerial slots in the past.
The PTI chief had been welcoming influential politicians into his party to ensure that his party won the general elections2018. He had been seen celebrating the joining of such politicians in PTI who have been rejected or side-lined by their respective parties on one ground or the other.
To strengthen his position for premiership, Imran Khan after winning the legal battle to topple Nawaz Sharif government, was now addressing rallies in different parts of the country to gain public support. Similar is the position of Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) chief Sirajul Haq, whose party was the main ally of PTI in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
In retaliation, PPP, PML-N, Jamiat-e-Ulema Islam-F and Awami National Party leaders were also holding electioneering activities to mobilise their party workers and to muster the support of all disgruntled leaders who were not happy with their respective parties.
People from all over the country and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have placed great hope in Imran Khan to fulfil his commitments of bringing an end to the outdated trends of corruption, nepotism, injustices and other such ills. He had also promised practicing good governance, but in last four and half years his party had not only encouraged politics of somersaults but also retook all those candidates into the folds of the PTI who were earlier discharged from their posts for corruption and nepotism.
Through such acts, Imran Khan could materialise his longstanding dreams of becoming chief executive of the country, but the fate of his government would not be different from the fate of the previous governments.
Similarly, in the recent past both the leading religious parties like JUI-F and JI lost a lot despite remaining major partners in the federal and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa governments. Most recently, the son and other family members of JI elected MNA from Buner switched to PTI, whereas Imran Khan had made Sirajul Haq restless after addressing well attended public rallies in Chitral, Upper Dir and Lower Dir districts. Whereas, a number of sitting JUI-F members of provincial assembly have already decided of disassociating them from the party before the next general elections.
Taking lessons from the situation, both Maulana Fazalur Rehman and Sirajul Haq have agreed to revive Mutahida Majlis Amal (MMA), which had governed the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province in 2002-2006. Though it would be premature to say something about 2018 general elections or its results, but in the light of continuing politics of alliances and horse trading, the process could be termed as “old wine in a new bottle.”
