The differences between Imran Khan’s claims and ground realities

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Contrary to Imran Khan’s claims regarding streamlining and reformed governance, ground realities are different all over Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) is not only full of internal rifts and leg-pulling for power, but it has also failed to receive sympathy or support from coalition partners in its drive against Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and his government.

Before and after the May 2013 general election, Imran Khan promised wide-range changes and reforms, particularly the eradication of corruption, provision of justice, and effective utilisation of official resources, but these promises and commitments have proved to be nothing but hollow slogans.

Instead of making good on the promises of his party and gathering more support, Khan is seeing rising unrest amongst the public. Even disappointment amongst PTI workers and stalwarts is increasing. In the wake of the poor performance of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government and the failure of PTI in honouring its promises, people are slipping from PTI ranks all over the province.

The PTI was governing Khyber Pakhtunkhwa with coalition partners from the Quami Watan Party (QWP) and the Jamaat Islami, but failed to satisfy its own members of the provincial assembly (MPAs). Following the dissatisfaction, a group of 10 MPAs have made serious allegations against Chief Minister Pervez Khattak and members of his cabinet.

One of the group members, who was elected in an independent capacity but had backed the PTI for the last 39 months, recently switched over to the Pakistan Muslim League (N), and joined the attempts to have Khattak vacate his office before the next general elections.

PTI policy makers have also repeatedly changed the designations of their own MPA’s. Shaukat Ali was removed from the health ministry but then readjusted into the chief minister’s secretariat as a special advisor. Similarly, the Quami Watan Party was ousted from the coalition government on the charges of corruption against some of its ministers but was later again reinstated.

In the second phase of its coalition with the PTI, the QWP has, however, replaced two of its ministers with others who are much more loyal to Aftab Ahmad Khan Sherpao and his family. Similar, the PTI’s marriage of inconvenience with Jamaat Islami is continuing, although its leaders admit to disagreeing with the PTI on certain issues.

In the recent past, PTI higher ups, especially the chief minister had turned down the demand for action against the Bank of Khyber Managing Director who had made corruption, malpractice and nepotism allegations against the sitting provincial finance minister associated with the Jamaat-e-Islami.

Zia Ullah Toru and Yaseen Khalil joined the PTI and both of them played a remarkable part in the 2013 general and 2015 local bodies’ polls, but both of them have been kicked out on charges of corruption and malpractice. Yet, both of them still claim loyalty to the party.

The PTI government’s relations with the executive branch can be judged by the fact that it replaced three Chief Secretaries in a period of around three years. The posting and transfers of civil executives and high-ranking police officers is considered routine. For the first time, officers from the Provincial Civil Services (PCS) have not only rigorously protested against the nepotism in postings and transfers but have even gone on strikes inside the Peshawar Civil Secretariat.

PTI leaders have successfully convinced some highly experienced and competent civil officers from Islamabad and Lahore but actually, the province is facing an acute shortage of officers in the District Management Group and Central Police Services, which is hindering efforts for the return of peace and stability.

Apart from executives, officers and officials from other government institutions look too much disappointed. The employees from almost of government institutions and organs have not only made protest processions and sit-in at Peshawar but even they made dozens of protests in front of Imran Khan’s residence at Bani Gala Islamabad.

No one can deny the PTI’s irregularities, corruption, malpractice and nepotism in the recent past, but that is hardly surprising as the majority of its leaders joined the PTI after spending many years in other parties. Chief Minister Pervez Khattak has been a member of the Pakistan People’s Party for most of his adult life and has occupied ministerial offices in the last three governments.

Budgetary allocation lapses are routine matters for the PTI government, but the opposition is now breaking their silence and accusing the government of bankrupting the province. One out of three senior ministers has admitted financial crunch on the floor of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly. The opposition alleges that after failing to acquire a load of Rs 11 billion from the World and Asian Development Banks, they provincial government is now disposing of official lands and properties to stave off a financial crisis.

Common people in general and analysts in particular, believe that the PTI leadership has failed in taking advantage of the support they received in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. With a satisfactory performance in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the PTI would have been in a very strong position to gain strength in the rest of the country.

Instead, Imran Khan and his colleagues have succeeded in nothing but fuelling the hate of other political parties, its own leaders, and most of all, its own workers.