And the day after Modi
The odd editorial, on either side, is still advocating restraint; even as unconfirmed Indian claims of surgical cross-LoC strikes do the rounds, roundly rebutted by Pakistan. But the loudest noise, again on both sides, is actually quite welcoming of war. ‘Teach them a lesson’ is still the main theme on mainstream Indian media. And anything less than ‘we will teach them a lesson in turn’ is rubbished as treasonous on our airwaves. Going by on-ground facts, though, talk of reconciliation does not seem too realistic at this particular point in time.
The last few days have been quite revealing in terms of judging Indian intentions in the near and medium term. After signs — from their consul general here, no less – that Modi might just turn up for SAARC, Delhi suddenly led a regional grouping to cancel the summit; followed quickly by public threats of ‘completely isolating Pakistan’, etc. Since most of the members on the team were also part of the India-led Chabahar initiative with Iran, the anti-Pakistan regional grouping is now forming a trend. Then, quickly, there was more provocation in the form of the controversial surgical strike on Thursday.
For a while Modi’s extremism was interpreted as pre-dialogue posturing for a maximalist position at the start. Clearly that is not the case. Indian policy, under the BJP, is to sideline and isolate Pakistan whatever the cost. The undoing of the Indus Water Treaty is proof enough if any was needed. But India is far too diverse a polity to back such unconventional policy lock, stock and barrel. And once its democratic credentials begin to weigh down on BJP’s extremism, it is New Delhi that will be left weaker in the international setting, not just Modi or his prejudiced party. In its eagerness to please its far-right constituency, Modi has overplayed his hand at escalation. He, and much of India, might not find the long term fruits too sweet.
