What to take up, what to ignore
The prime minister’s immediate concern springs from the domestic front, particularly the opposition parties sustained pressure on the government regarding the Panama leaks issue. Thus far, the opposition has maintained that it won’t settle for anything less than the first family’s inclusion in the investigation
The challenges awaiting Nawaz Sharif’s attention at home increased manifold during his almost two months long absence from the county. Some of them are the direct fallout of the prime minister’s ill-advised policies; others while outside his influence and control, might also find blame on his head.
Reportedly, after his return, the prime minister held a meeting with his close aids where issues related to growing domestic challenges came under discussion. While the “post London” Nawaz Sharif’s seems focused and calm, it’s unsure whether the prime minister is fully prepared to deal with all issues with the equal calmness: the PML-N’s traditional approach of taking knee-jerk and imprudent measures to even resolve the smallest issues have perpetually induced more challenges for the party.
The prime minister’s immediate concern springs from the domestic front, particularly the opposition parties sustained pressure on the government regarding the Panama leaks issue. Thus far, the opposition has maintained that it won’t settle for anything less than the first family’s inclusion in the investigation which the PML-N’s senior lawmakers and its leadership have refused to pay heed to. Reportedly, the prime minister has advised his aides to prepare “multiple strategies” to deal with the opposition. “He is no mood to show leniency,” said a PML-N lawmaker.
The opposition’s insistence of muddling the Sharif family into the Panama probe is largely politically driven. As the PML-N government is nearing the first constitutional end of its term, the opposition, particularly the PPP and PTI, see a highly combustible point scoring issue that resonates with the masses, and can become one of the primary campaign agendas for the next general elections. The fact, however, is that in Punjab, besides a ruined political constituency, the opposition has nothing to show to convince voters of their relevancy to barge on the PML-N’s votes.
The opposition’s threats of agitation don’t pose an existential threat to Nawaz Sharif as such unless the party manages to create another Model Town type of blunder. One thing is sure, unlike before the prime minister will lock horns with the opposition parties while making sure there is a sustained and steadfast implementation of all key projects – particularly energy – to wane the opposition’s agenda list for the next general elections.
However, the government’s absolute inflexibility to make any concessions in this regard is also worrying. The debate has gone far beyond the relevancy of the moral considerations for the opposition and the government’s lawmaker’s names have equally been implicated in the global corruption scandal.
Undoubtedly, the divisions in the party that have abounded in the form of reported contests in Sharif’s family for the party’s leadership and emerging forward blocks may pose a threat to its unity. Hence, inviting the opposition to infiltrate the party’s by reaching out to dissidents in order to weaken the PML-N’s constituency, particularly in Punjab. However, such developments do not threaten the PML-N in the immediate run: as long as Sharif remains the chief of the PML-N, the party’s intra differences will be resolved amicably and without any serious bickering. Moreover, one of the earlier and strongest forward blocks, formed by the former governor of Punjab, Zulfiqar Ali Khosa, has not impaired the party in any serious way.
Another immediate concern waiting Nawaz Sharif’s attention is his response to the impending elections in Azad Kashmir and the latest unrest in Indian-controlled Kashmir. As long as the prime minister appears tough to condemn New Dehli’s human rights violations in Kashmir – which would of course fall in line with the military’s position on the issue – he has not much to fear. Sharif’s declaration of 19 July as ‘black day’ and his reinforcement of Pakistan’s support for Kashmir’s right to self determination, involuntarily insulates him from any of the opposition’s criticism.
While theoretically, as the head of the government, the challenges looming large on regional front should also be of the prime minister’s concern, Sharif’s gradual accommodation of the military’s demand for the control of regional matters, has taken away, for good or worse, much of the blame away from the prime minister.
It may appear ironic, but the US’s latest barrage of criticism, saying that “Pakistan’s overall strategy is pro-jihadist and therefore puts it in the foe category,” is hardly the concern of Nawaz Sharif. Also, Sharif’s is not worried about Kabul’s newly adopted cold approach of throwing gauntlets on Pakistan, for policies being criticised by Afghanistan, Iran, India and the United States, are not the making of Nawaz Sharif’s party. It’s the Sharif in uniform that has been looking after the regional diplomacy. The opposition parties are not much invested in criticising the PML-N for miscalculations in regional diplomacy for they are aware those policies are the military’s prerogatives.
Arguably, Nawaz Sharif’s real conundrum rests with the question of “how and which” issues he chooses to address and opts to ignore. For now, Sharif’s concerns are tied with countering the opposition, delivering on all major policy projects and making sure he drags his party successfully to the five year constitutional finish line.
