What the general wants
So far, the general has set all precedents right. The last one came out in the form of an unusual statement about his retirement plan: “Pakistan’s army is a great institution. I don’t believe in extension,” said General Sharif, according to a statement from the military.
In countries with strong democratic traditions, retirement of an army chief is an ordinary event but in Pakistan it’s a different story. The army chief wields so much power that transition phase in the top military position creates panic among civilian leadership. The army has seized power three times since 1947, ruling directly or indirectly.
From Ayub Khan to Pervez Musharraf, no military chief in Pakistani history has reached such heights of popularity. Gen Sharif has attained a godfather-like status with his reputation transcending all spheres of life: for many he is a symbol of hope and an answer to much of the Pakistan’s woes.
His popularity is the direct result of his leadership in time of crisis. Before he took reins of power, instability existed everywhere: the security situation had reached its worst low; economic collapse was evident; terrorist groups seemed to be ruling the country; international standing of the country had touched its lows with Pakistan being called a failed state, which could disintegrate anytime.
The general’s resolve to turn all of this around reflected through decisive measures taken immediately after coming to power. He assertively launched military campaign against the Taliban whose suicide bombings had put the entire country in trauma. His special campaign to free Karachi from thugs, target killers, militant wings and jihadist’s has brought relative normalcy and peace in the city. Just two days ago, while commenting on the security situation of Karachi, Gen Sharif reinforced his resolve that he was ready to take all necessary measures to restore stability in the city. Reduced militancy across the country is a direct of these operations.
Moreover, he has also attempted to deal with rampant corruption, not just in political spheres but also in the military – something which rarely happens in Pakistan. NAB has been preparing cases against many retired military officials who were involved in corruption; there have also been many in-house investigations by the military itself.
Gen Sharif’s role on foreign policy fronts has also remained instrumental. While many have argued that he may have stepped into civilian spheres, the elected leadership neither had the will nor the necessary influence to deal with the convoluted regional security issues.
One can contend that he has redefined Pakistan’s policy towards Afghanistan, one less interventionist or assertive and more cooperative. His efforts have brought the Afghan Taliban back into the peace process despite the death of their amir and infighting which ensued afterwards.
There is an air of optimism on the Indian front as well: many termed Gen Sharif a hawk as far as Pakistan’s dealing with the Indians were concerned. To everyone’s surprise, both countries have survived traditional obstacles which usually reveal themselves when some reconciliation efforts are underway. In fact, one can see sobering tones on both sides and more cooperation emerging, not just in bilateral issues but also regional.
Moreover, he should also be credited for redefining Pakistan’s role in the Middle East, especially in dealings with Saudi Arabia and Iran. In this regard, shift in Pakistan’s foreign policy towards the Saudi Arabia is visible: Pakistan is trying to rewrite new rules of engagement with the kingdom by remaining neutral from former’s regional confrontations with Iran, which in the past had direct bearings on Pakistan in the form of deepening sectarian tensions in the country. By staying non-aligned in the Yemen conflict instead of joining the Saudi-led coalition, Pakistan sent a clear message that it will not support Saudi Arabia’s questionable policies and actions everywhere.
While many have argued that Gen Sharif has been assertive in shaping up domestic security and defence policies, civilian leadership’s infightings and wrangling could not have – on its own – produced much needed counter terrorism drive. PML-N’s government, which came to power with a heavy mandate, was crippled by PTI’s campaign of protests and sit-ins, alleging that the current government was involved in large scale rigging of the 2013 general elections. Eventually, the current government had to request the military chief for resolution of the crisis. Whatever the limitations of civilian regime, the army chief’s role in smooth functioning of the current civilian government has remained pivotal.
Moreover, the extended stay of the military chief does not bode well for the institution itself. In the past, second or third extensions always created divisions inside the institution and has also become a reason of the downfall for the man in the position itself. As journalist Jon Boone aptly put it: “By retiring on schedule, Sharif will avoid the unpopularity among senior generals that befell Kayani, who blocked the career progression of senior military commanders by taking a second term”.
With two “Nishan-e-Haider” holders in the family, the general wants to leave a legacy behind. What is needed now is steady continuation of current polices regardless who sits on the throne.
