The future of provincial autonomy
Thanks the centrist mindset of the PML-N leadership the federation faces a growing challenge to its integrity. Attempts to contain the genie of parochialism by passing the 18th amendment are proving unsuccessful. The reason: the federal government has shown unwillingness to implement the amendment in letter and since its induction in power. It appears that the PML-N leadership has little capacity to comprehend the importance of the national question in Pakistan.
When Ch Nisar says, “Karachi is first a part of Pakistan and after that of Sindh,” he displays an ignorance of the feelings the statement is bound to create.
Mainstream national leaders in Sindh, Balochistan and KP have invariably maintained that while they have been Sindhis, Baloch or Pushtun for thousands of years, they are Pakistani only for less than seven decades. Remarks of the sort are likely to be interpreted as an uninhibited outburst of Punjabi chauvinism and would strengthen the parochial tendencies.
If Islam or military force had been enough to keep Pakistan united, there would have been no Bangladesh. What alone can keep the country together is the presence of a widespread perception among the people of the four provinces that they are equal partners in the federation and would be losers materially if they broke away from it. This should have become clear after the separation of East Pakistan.
It takes centuries to generate a sentiment of being a single nation among the people divided on ethnic, tribal, linguistic, or religious lines. Democracy with full equality among populations helps in the strengthening of the national sentiment. This should be clear from the examples of United Kingdom, Canada and Spain.
The Crown of Aragon and the Crown of Castile united to form Spain in the 15th century. Despite a joint history of six hundred years, the Catalonians are still un-reconciled with a Spanish nationality. The sentiment could not be inculcated in them by the Spanish kings and emperors or a long and repressive military rule that followed or the subsequent period of democracy. Separatist sentiment with demands for a sovereign Catalonia continues to rise.
It takes centuries to generate a sentiment of being a single nation among the people divided on ethnic, tribal, linguistic, or religious lines
The Scottish and English Parliaments agreed on the Treaty of Union, which joined the two countries into one called The Kingdom of Great Britain in 1707. This has not stopped the demand for a separate Scottish republic. The referendum on the separation of Scotland held in 2014 was a close call. The “No” side won, with only 55.3% against those demanding independence.
The Canadian Confederation came into existence in the 19th Century. The French speaking Quebec however continues to retain its separate identity and the demand for separate and sovereign country has led to two referendums. In the 1980 Quebec referendum the proposal was rejected by 60 per cent of the Quebec electorate. In the second referendum in 1995, those supporting union with Canada won just by one percent.
Pakistan, which is comparatively a much younger country, needs to give the provinces maximum autonomy with equal rights and opportunities to nurture the sentiment of being the part of a single nation.
The 18th amendment under the PPP government was the first serious step in the direction. This created a perception among the three smaller federating units that they could live together with Punjab in a relationship that secured their rights.
The almost moribund Council of Common Interests (CCI) was reactivated and made to act as the guardian of the provinces’ rights. Parliament regained the powers which had been usurped by military dictators. Holding the constitution in abeyance was declared high treason.
Setting aside old prejudices, the NWFP was rechristened Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in deference to the age old demand of the nationalists.
The 18th amendment addressed the issue of diversity in the country. It delivered a blow to the colonial mindset of the establishment which discouraged promotion of Pakistan’s cultural diversities. The establishment had all along tried to minimise these diversities or push them under the carpet fearing that if they were allowed to flourish, they would pose a threat to the federation.
The pro-establishment parties failed to realise that the more a country promoted the cultural diversities and allowed them to flourish within the structure of the state the more they contributed to a synthesis in the national culture.
The 18th amendment was particularly hailed by the nationalist parties. Baloch nationalists were not only on board in the process of 18th and 19th amendments and their implementation but were also the signatories of the amendments and they voted for it.
The PML-N however remains unhappy with the amendment as it has reduced the powers of the federal government.
The 18th amendment led to the devolution of as many as 35 federal subjects to the provinces. The federal government however did not take long to create more miniseries at the federal level.
The CCI was the centrepiece of the 18th amendment. It was to act as the most important institution to safeguard the interests of smaller provinces. It was to have a full-fledged secretariat on a permanent basis. The CCI was to meet at least once in 90 days “unless earlier convened by the prime minister on the request of a province to take up an urgent matter.”
Besides the dispute resolution the issue of the joint management of resources among provinces and the federation was also included in the CCI’s purview.
The ongoing dispute between the federal government and Sindh over the Rangers’ powers does not bode well for the federation
As the prime minister wants to monopolise powers he has shown a disinclination to hold the meetings of the CCI every three months despite grievances piling up in the provinces. Taking a cue from him, other federal ministers make no secret of their desire to roll back the 18th amendment.
Soon after being appointed minister for petroleum and natural resources, Shahid Khaqan Abbasi expressed the desire to reverse the constitutional formula regarding gas distribution which requires first to meet the requirement of the province from where it is extracted before supplying gas to others.
This elicited strong opposition from the gas producing provinces.
The current gas load shedding in Balochistan led the parliamentarians to complain that the government shows little respect for the smaller provinces’ rights. On Tuesday senators from Balochistan accused the federal government of depriving the province of its right on its resources.
Hafiz Hamdullah of the JUI-F, which is a coalition partner with PML-N, accused the government of violating Article 158 of the Constitution, which says that “the province in which a gas well is situated shall have precedence over other parts of Pakistan in meeting the requirements”. He demanded that the centre pay Rs800bn to Balochistan, owed to the province under the head of gas royalty, to enable the provincial government to supply gas to the people.
The ongoing dispute between the federal government and Sindh over the Rangers’ powers does not bode well for the federation.
As time passes the centrist mindset of the PML-N is bound to put it on the collision course with the provinces thus weakening the federation. With people like Ch Nisar Ali Khan holding important ministries, the future of provincial autonomy looks bleak.
