The PML-N’s diminishing clout

And army’s increasing role in national politics

About to complete the first half of its tenure, the PML-N administration is weaker and more isolated than it was in June 2013 when it assumed power. Instead of growing in the prime minister’s seat, Nawaz Sharif’s stature has shrunk.

The PML-N acted arbitrarily while increasing the GST soon after its first budget. It came into conflict thus with the Supreme Court which overturned its orders. The government made ad hoc appointments instead of nominating full time heads of important departments. These appointments were too struck down by the apex court.

The PML-N’s Punjab government acted ruthlessly making use of disproportionate force in Model Town, killing several innocent political workers. The skeleton continues to rattle in the government’s cupboard. The party leadership knows the incident can be used against it in case it falls foul of the establishment.

Instead of retrieving the turf the civilian government had lost to the army, it has yielded more space to the institution because of its failure to perform its duties, and bungling its job.

Nawaz Sharif has belied public expectations. It was widely hoped that with the PPP government successfully completing its tenure, the first ever by a genuinely elected administration, and a peaceful and orderly transfer of power to the PML-N, the Sharif administration would strengthen the civilian rule by removing the prevailing imbalance between the elected government and military leadership. This is what the PML-N chief had promised a little before 2013 elections.

Turkey furnishes the best example where a political party successfully sidelined the army which had launched three military coups since the end of the one party rule in 1950. The Turkish military had hanged an elected prime minister and arrested and jailed several politicians. The army had long enjoyed the reputation of being the most respected institution in Turkey.

Instead of retrieving the turf the civilian government had lost to the army, it has yielded more space to the institution because of its failure to perform its duties, and bungling its job

Before taking the bull by the horns, the ruling AKP had accumulated enough goodwill. Erdoğan concentrated on national economy taking effective measures to bring it out of doldrums, improved exports and burnished the image of the country. For over a decade, at least, he managed to maintain the posture of good governance. Ankara opened consulates and embassies around the world and trade became the new diplomacy.

After this Erdoğan retired fifty-five generals and admirals and put a former army chef in jail. Not a mouse squeaked in the country. The people felt contented after a long period of political uncertainty and economic hardships.

Pakistani politicians however assume power with a different agenda. Accusing the khakis of painting them as corrupt and inefficient, both PPP and PML-N leaders have competed with each other to further strengthen the image.

While the PPP leadership faced SGS, Contecna and Surrey Palace cases in 1990s, Zardari acquired more notoriety during 2008-13 while Yousaf Raza Gillani, Raja Pervaiz Ashraf and Makhdoom Ameen Faheem were to be indicted for corruption. Gillani went down to the level of misappropriating a necklace donated by Erdoğan’s wife for the flood victims. To continue to retain power, the PPP entered into alliance with some of the parties with seedy reputation and connections with military rulers. The PPP consequently faced a humiliating defeat in the elections.

The PML-N leadership employs more sophisticated methods of money making. Party leaders have used their political clout to help their scions set up business empires abroad. The seed money was taken from the country. The sons were introduced to foreign dignitaries and business magnates during state visits. The PML-N leaders own residential property in some of the most costly areas of London.

Like the PPP, the PML-N too has totally neglected the people.

It gave little attention to schemes that could create many jobs like public works programme. It failed to allocate major resources to end power shortages at an emergency basis. It neglected initiating training programmes to impart skills to millions of unemployed youth. Thus more than half the population was consigned to a life below poverty line.

The PML-N has a penchant for eye-catching projects that can help it win the elections irrespective of their feasibility.

Quaid-e-Azam Solar Park is just one of the several examples.

It is billed as the world’s biggest solar park, double the size of the existing largest solar PV generating facilities. The feasibility study of the project was approved when oil prices were at $110 a barrel. The government failed to consider the possibility of the oil prices significantly dropping. QASP claims it is selling solar power to the grid at $0.14 per unit. The price is far higher than the $0.07 for hydropower, $0.11 for fuel oil and $0.12 for imported LNG.

The PML-N leaders have displayed a lack courage and commitment while confronting the most vital challenge of their tenure i.e., fighting terrorism.

They had to be constantly reminded of their onerous task and pushed into action. This is what the army seems to be doing.

The party failed to do its part of the job in the ongoing war against terrorism. The army on the other hand pursued its task with determination.

Instead of confronting the terrorists who had killed over 40 thousand people in less than a decade the PML-N leadership insisted on holding unconditional talks with the TTP. It was already pampering the extremists and sectarian elements like Sajid Mir and Ilyas Chinioti and got them elected on PML-N tickets.

Finally, the army decided to launch Operation Zarb-e-Azb on its own. The Operation succeeded after a lot of sacrifices on the part of the soldiers and officers. However, due to the successes achieved by the army, terrorist attacks in Pakistan declined by 70pc. This raised the army’s prestige. The government, however, lost face as it failed to do its assignments in the fight against terrorism. The failure was partly due to the party leadership’s incompetence and lack of nerve and partly to its soft corner for the extremists.

Soon after the Army Public School attack, the army played an important role in getting the National Action Plan (NAP) passed.

Despite the backing of the army, the PML-N leadership has remained scared of the mullahs and the mobs from madrassas. Only after the COAs and DG ISI attended the meeting with the seminary leaders did Nawaz Sharif pick up courage to tell them to stop sectarian propaganda, get registered and disclose the sources of their funding

Except for one of its 20 points i.e., the setting up of military courts, the rest of the NAP was to be implemented by the government. Among other things, the PML-N administration was to strengthen and activate NACTA, act against literature spreading sectarian hatred, extremism and intolerance, block the funding of the terrorist organisations, protect minorities, register and regulate seminaries, disallow banned organisations from operating under another name, speed up FATA’s administrative and development reforms, dismantle the terrorists’ communication networks, take immediate steps to stop the spread of terrorism on the internet and social media and take decisive action against elements that spread sectarianism.

The PML-N government was keen to exercise authority but incompetent when it came to producing results. Of the fifteen committees formed to execute the NAP, Ch Nisar was to preside over 11. Because of lack of competence, activation of NACTA which was one of the topmost tasks continues to remain neglected. The organisation has yet to display any sign of animation . The interior ministry handed over the registration of the seminaries to the ministry of religious affairs which did not go beyond holding a single meeting where no agreement could be reached.

Finding that the NAP was going nowhere the army went for Apex Committees where Corps Commanders sat with the CMs and top civilian officials with an aim to egg them on.

Nine months after the formulation of NAP, not a single step has been taken vis-à-vis most of the items included in the plan.

Despite the backing of the army, the PML-N leadership has remained scared of the mullahs and the mobs from madrassas. Only after the COAs and DG ISI attended the meeting with the seminary leaders did Nawaz Sharif pick up courage to tell them to stop sectarian propaganda, get registered and disclose the sources of their funding.

The failure of the government to strengthen and upgrade civilian institutions of vigilance and law enforcement, the country will face two dilemmas. One the elected government will remain constantly at the mercy of the army. Second, while the army can defeat any terrorist group, military victories do not provide a sustainable solution of the problem. Unless there are institutions like an active NACTA and a professional apolitical and well equipped police force, terrorists can return once again. This is because extremist thinking which generates terrorist tendencies remains unchecked. The US, Britain and a number of other Western countries have succeeded in coping with the threat of terrorism through an efficient, well trained, well equipped civilian intelligence cum policing network.

Pakistan also needs a civilian mechanism to run the tribal agencies after the army operations are over. The government is equally negligent in this sphere which can only result in its reliance on the army.