Soft coup, hard coup

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    Déjà vu?

     

     

    “The Pakistani establishment is against every leader who has people’s mandate behind them. The establishment likes leaders like Malik Meraj Khalid, Moeen Qureshi, Sardar Balakh Sher Khan Mazari and Shaukat Aziz”

    Major (r) Mohammad Amir In an interview with the Geo TV on April 22, 2007

    One sees the usual signs on the horizon that have appeared before military takeovers in the past.

    Inspired and led by the self-styled geo-strategist Zaid Hamid, a whole lot of pen pushers writing in newspapers as well as participants in media talk shows are suggesting to the army to overthrow the civilian set up. Add to this Karachi Corps Commander’s unusually frank criticism of “vested interests, political expediencies, sponsored militancy, patronage of vested groups, ethnic, sectarian and political disharmony” as being responsible for the woes of Karachi. About a dozen of PPP politicians in Sindh, including ministers, have been put on the Exit Control List.

    With all this serving as the backdrop appears Owen Bennett-Jones’s report in the BBC, adding more to the store of charges against the MQM.

    Is the noose being tied around the MQM’s neck? Is the PPP next on the establishment’s agenda after the MQM? Will this turn out to be the thin edge of the wedge, with action against other parties following in days to come? Is the country again moving towards a military coup?

    The recent charges against the MQM might or might not be correct. In fact the BBC reporter did not see the British intelligence report. He only quotes an unnamed “authoritative Pakistani source”.

    One had expected that the intelligence agencies would by now have collected evidence regarding the charges to take those responsible to court. Instead they seem to be more interested in providing ‘information’ to BBC.

    Ch Nisar, who must have already known about the claims that were to appear in Owen Bennett Jones’ report, didn’t care to seek a first-hand report from the British authorities before the publication of the story. Suppose the British government deny having the information or refuse to share it?

    Wasn’t it the agencies’ duty to find out the persons being trained and arrest them instead of waiting for ten years only to pass on the information to BBC?

    Pakistani sources shared some information on their own. A “Pakistani official” told him that India has trained hundreds of MQM militants in explosives, weapons and sabotage over the past 10 years in camps in north and north-east India.

    The question is whether Pakistani agencies brought the matter to the knowledge of the government. The Musharraf government, followed by the PPP and PML-N administrations, never raised the issue with India nor took the highly serious matter to an international forum.

    Wasn’t it the agencies’ duty to find out the persons being trained and arrest them instead of waiting for ten years only to pass on the information to BBC?

    According to the report the training of the terrorists went on, and in fact expanded, when MQM was part of Gen Musharraf’s cabinet. The COAS-cum-president had also appointed an MQM nominee as Governor Sindh with special powers not enjoyed by any other provincial governor. Didn’t the agencies tell the general what his bosom friends were doing?

    The story should be embarrassing for the country’s security agencies who have been caught pants down a second time within five weeks after the Axact affair. If the governments are to know about scams and conspiracies that are highly damaging for the country’s reputation and security through American or British reporters, what are our own agencies meant for?

    Many in this country disagree with MQM’s highly divisive ethnic agenda and resent its use of violence to achieve political aims. There is also a perception that the party introduced and continues to indulge in kidnappings for ransom, extortion, and target killings. This is one aspect of the party.

    The MQM has another aspect also. As April 24 bye-election in NA-246 reveal the party continues to enjoy wide public support in urban areas of Sindh. This despite the virulent media propaganda launched against it a month earlier through Saulat Mirza’s video “confessions.”

    MQM’s followers would consider the BBC report as yet another attempt at media trial. The publication of the BBC story has been followed by statements from PML-N and PTI politicians and media commentators requiring action against the MQM. Punjab Assembly has passed a resolution while JI amir wants explanation from all those parties which had over the last three decades formed an alliance with the party. None has seen the report allegedly prepared by the British police.

    The establishment is notorious for alternately patronising the MQM and declaring it a terrorist network in the pay role of an enemy country. The party was brought into existence by Zia-ul-Haq’s agencies as it suited the dictator to create a division between the urban and rural Sindh. Subsequently Gen Mirza Aslam Beg handed over the party to PML-N as an ally. As MQM went out of the army’s control, Gen Asif Nawaz Janjua ordered a major operation against it codenamed “Operation Clean UP” in 1992. The operation continued under the PPP government till 1994.

    The year 1992 saw the most virulent media trial of the MQM. It was accused of dividing Sindh at India’s instigation. Maps of Jinnahpur were ‘discovered’ from party offices and widely publicised. Five years later Brig Imtiaz, ISI insider during the operation and later IB chief, revealed during a television interview that the Jinnahpur charge was fabricated to make the parry unpopular.

    Another attempt to get rid of MQM was undertaken in 1992 by creating a rival MQM Haqiqi under Afaq Ahmed.

    Within years of Musharraf assuming power MQM was again in the cabinet. The chief of ISI political cell Maj Gen Zamir pressured and bribed Sindh MPAs to support the so called Indian agents form government in Sindh.

    In case another operation is in the offing those mediating it must first realise that the 1992-94 operation failed to reduce MQM’s popularity among its urban constituency in Sindh. The split in the party engineered by the agencies too failed to work.

    The way numerous PPP leaders have left the country indicates that this party too is under threat. There are suggestions in the media regarding some of its leaders being involved in money minting through crime

    The way numerous PPP leaders have left the country indicates that this party too is under threat. There are suggestions in the media regarding some of its leaders being involved in money minting through crime.

    During the latest meeting between Nawaz Sharif and the COAS both agreed to expand operation Zarb-e- Azb to those indulging in ‘crime’ also. Unlike the National Action Plan, which is the outcome of a national consensus, the decision to expand the scope of the operation has been taken bilaterally. The decision shows a lack of confidence in the country’s legal system. Aren’t the current laws enough to deal with criminals?

    In case they are not then there is a need on the part of parliament to remove the flaws and strengthen the laws after seeking input from the legal community. A recourse to short cuts to target one or two parties would harm the system.

    The PPP has roots in all the provinces, holding second position in the National Assembly and is the single largest party in Senate.

    The establishment has tried in the past to contain or remove the party from power through artificial means. The party has invariably bounced back.

    For instance the establishment created the IJI to sideline PPP but failed to stop it from assuming power at the centre. Operation Midnight Jackal was launched to overthrow Benazir Bhutto’s government through a no confidence move which failed. Allegations of PPP leaders having leaked out names of Sikh terrorists to India failed to bring down the party’s following either.

    The party’s last tenure was disappointing despite the landmark 18th amendment having been pioneered by it. Its failures included bad governance and a total lack of concern for the common man. For all this the PPP richly deserved the debacle it faced in 2013 polls.

    Some of the PPP leaders have no doubt acquired a reputation for corruption. Corruption among politicians is a world-wide phenomenon. A number of political leaders have been punished for it in various countries. But this has been done by taking recourse to ordinary laws prevailing in the country. This is precisely what should be done in Pakistan also.

    Artificial ways of weakening or eliminating parties have invariably failed. ZAB’s hanging didn’t reduce the PPP’s vote bank. Sending Nawaz Sharif into exile did not affect his reputation.

    Whatever charges the establishment may level against political parties these will hardly affect their standing among their supporters. Political parties can only be replaced politically i.e., by the emergence of other parties in their strongholds who come to be recognised as better replacement by the voters. The bad eggs among politicians have continued to prosper because political process remained suspended due to successive military rules. They can be weeded out through more democracy in the country and regular elections.

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