Pakistani establishment’s four debacles

The establishment’s rule was never the right option and never will be

Dictatorship is the mother of all evils. The mess that Pakistan is in today is mainly because of the misrule of four Khaki Tyrants (Ayub 1958-1969, Yayha 1969-1971, Zia 1977-1988, Musharraf 1999-2008). Together they destroyed all civilian institutions built by the founding fathers with their sweat and blood.

Lately a comeback is being planned for the ‘Rangila General’ by some establishment politicians. Another Muslim League is in the making. The ouster of the fourth ‘Khaki Tyrant’ by a combined movement of lawyers, civil society, media and judiciary has perhaps sealed the option of ‘Khaki Rule’, now the ‘establishment toadies’ need ‘Musharraf’ to save their own skin. Some lessons have been learnt especially by the politicians who were once the darling of the evil empire. Dictators, their siblings and supporters have no role in the future political scenario of the country as they stand fully exposed. The damage they caused by far outweighs whatever their claims of achievement. Most dictators in history have either been lynched by the mob or whisked away by the foreign powers on whose behest they had prospered in their reign. In 2008 Gen Musharraf departed by a guard of honor prepared by his buddies in ‘Khaki’, but this time round he will have to face the rule of law and the 18^th constitutional amendment.

In May 1998, Mian Nawaz Sharif decided to detonate the nuclear device that Pakistan had been working on since the 1970s. The ‘Islamic Bomb’ became a reality. The Pakistan Army under the professional leadership of Gen Jehangir Karamat was supportive of the democratic process. But Mian Sahib then riding high on his heavy mandate decided to get rid of the COAS. Gen Karamat did not fight back, and went home quietly.

The choice of Gen Musharraf as the new chief was surprising. There are no secrets in the Armed Forces. The files are well documented. Trigger happy, undisciplined soldiers like Musharraf seldom make it to the top. In 1965, the war saved him from court martial as he had left his unit without permission. Some describe him as Yayha Khan-II. His own autobiography, ‘In the Line of Fire’ clearly shows his unsuitability as the head of state. He lacked capacity, capability and commitment to lead. His Kargil misadventure in 1999 brought the two nuclear-armed nations at the brink of war and deserved to be court martialed and sent home right then.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (ZAB) compromised merit to pick up a junior ‘Lota General’ to be the Army chief. He regretted the decision till he was sent to the gallows by the same man. Mian Nawaz Sharif’s decision to appoint a junior and unstable general to replace Gen Karamat too cost him dearly. The selection process needs major review and overhaul as seniority and abilities were both compromised to promote Zia and Musharraf.

Zia followed the dictates of his foreign masters to impose his brand of Islam and then drag Pakistan into the Afghan war. Musharraf again on a telephone call of his external bosses pushed the country into the Afghan war. This time it was called enlightened moderation. Zia attacked the constitution with his legal framework order (LFOs) while Musharraf used provisional constitution order (PCOs).

Like Yayha Khan, Musharraf was driven by his carnal desires. He relied heavily on his friends and his approach was totally adhoc. Evenings were for fun and friends. He lacked the depth and vision to plan or think. At best he was a commando willing to attack without thinking through the consequences. Kargil, War on Terror decisions were both based on adhocism. The assault on Lal Masjid, and the murder of Nawab Akbar Bugti were trivial matters to him. His appointments for key positions left a lot to be desired. All the three prime ministers of his regime stand out as the worst ever, with Shaukat Aziz leading the pack. ‘Shortcut’ Aziz at best could be defined as a corporate banker trained to please his boss and moneyed clients, totally unsuitable to be in charge of fiscal destiny of a nation of 170 million people.

It seems that Musharraf meant well but lacked depth to understand and deliver, Liaquat Jatoi as minister of water and power was a total disaster. Neither the work on Kalabagh Dam commenced, nor was a single thermal unit built. The energy crisis is a result of total mismanagement by his team. To top it all, Lt. Gen. Zulfiqar as its chairman destroyed WAPDA. In the planning and development wing there were close to 100 engineers, when he left there were only two. Like his boss Gen Zulfiqar did not believe in planning.

Media managed to get freedom under his rule. Perhaps it was negligence or oversight that he did not realize the power of electronic medium. When he tried to clamp down it was too late. The dismissed of the chief justice was a major blunder. Instead of sending a properly prepared reference to the Supreme Judicial Council (SJC) he was ill-advised to force a resignation. Then when the reference was filed it was neither reviewed nor checked. His entire team had to apologise and admit that no one had finalized the draft before submission and signatures of the prime minister and the president.

As a consequence of late night partying both the offices of the PM and president were deserted in the morning. One such party was shown live on television in which the dance was started by the chairman FBR followed by the other high-ups. This show of vulgarity was condoned under enlightened moderation. There was lack of seriousness and concentration.

Musharraf launched three major initiatives with great fanfare: the National Accountability Bureau (NAB), the National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB) and the National Commission for Human Development (NCHD). The NAB and the NRB where headed by generals in uniform while NCHD was run by an expatriate doctor friend of the president. Billions were sunk into these endeavours with very little output.

The NAB started off well but then turned into a tool of political blackmail. Musharraf succeeded in putting a coalition government together using the good offices of the NAB. Imran Khan refused to join and warned Musharraf that the latter would become a ‘sardar of chors’ (thieves), which he did. The NRB was a disaster from day one. The paper general who headed the organization had no clue. The entire programme was launched without an implementation framework. When problems started to surface he resigned handing over the mantle to a brash and inexperienced MNA from Narowal. The NCHD was also a non-starter. Tall promises were made with no delivery.

The president lacked the capacity to analyse performance and ensure delivery. Instead he relied on the inputs of his friends who filtered all the bad news. ‘Sab Thek Hai’ was conveyed to the boss so that he could go to his tennis game followed by heavy partying at night.

In the worst of democratic times all letters sent to the presidency and PM’s secretariat were always acknowledged. Musharraf and his gang were totally insensitive to public opinion and never replied back. As a result the gaps between actual performance and reporting widened. The PM was a master manipulator of numbers while the president was fun loving and trigger happy. The net result of this deadly combination was disaster. Together they sold their own countrymen for head money.

The three dictators before Musharraf took over staged a coup only once, but he had the unique distinction of doing it twice. The November 03, 2007 putsch by the chief of army staff against his own presidency was unique. Then nowhere in the world has an army chief been elected in uniform, not even in the sham democrices like Egypt and Libya. Hosni Mubarik and Moammar Gaddafi had to shun uniform for political positions.

The trial and execution of ZAB, a popularly elected leader in the 1970s, destroyed the judicial system of the country as it violated the principles of justice. The trial of a usurper and an unstable, trigger happy General in the first millennium of the 21^st century will reestablish the rule of law for all times to come. The major paradigm shift has already taken place. Punjab, the bastion of establishment rule, has changed sides. Balochistan and the KP have always been anti-establishment, so has been Sindh where the MQM is the last establishment hope. With an independent judiciary, free media and energetic and aware civil society, the ‘Establishment’s Party’ has to end but lessons have to be learnt and perpetrators ‘identified, cornered and punished’. Four establishment debacles are enough for any nation to sustain. The establishment’s rule was never the right option and never will be. Only peoples’ power can move Pakistan forward. The democratic process must continue and keep on self-cleansing itself.

Dr Farid A Malik is ex-Chairman, Pakistan Science Foundation.