Peas of the same pod?

Separated by 11 years, almost to the day, slain Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) chairperson Benazir Bhutto and Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) chief Altaf Hussain sent similar messages to the United States (US) and United Kingdom (UK) respectively. Both despatches, if read strictly by the letter of the law, constitute treason. In practice, both leaders pled their parties’ restrictions and limitations before the Army and the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) to the US and UK.

Hussain’s letter to British Prime Minister Tony Blair, dated September 23, 2001, and first published by the website Hurriyat Times, offers the British three services, rendered in exchange for their assistance on five matters.

The MQM offered to mobilise and organise “many demonstrations” in Karachi in favour of the international community’s efforts against terrorism within five days of an agreement being inked. The first of these test runs was organised on September 26, 2001.

The second service offered was “unlimited resources” for human intelligence so as to keep a vigil on “fundamentalists and Taliban-led organisations” as well as religious seminaries.

Hussain also offered to “ensure select groups to penetrate Afghanistan” in an attempt for the coalition forces to build up their intelligence capabilities.

What the MQM sought in return is what the Asif Zardari-led PPP has largely afforded it: an “equitable participation” in governance in Sindh and the Centre; an equal share in education, employment, Army and education; as well as full autonomy to the provinces, with the Centre retaining defence, foreign affairs and currency control.

The MQM also sought local policing, consisting of Sindhis and “Mohajirs” – a suggestion still under deliberation for the next local government system.

Last but certainly not the least, Hussain sought the UK’s aid in the disbanding of the ISI, warning that the ISI’s existence translates into more Osama bin Ladens and more Taliban.

This final argument is the basis of the recent furore created by former Sindh Home Minister and PPP-Sindh Senior Vice-President Zulfiqar Mirza, but interestingly, the PPP had also in the past sought foreign help against the Army. That too, by urging the US to ask India to engage the Army on the eastern borders.

In a letter dated September 24, 1990, Benazir Bhutto wrote to her friend Peter Galbraith, who was serving as the US Ambassador in India at the time, informing him that her government had been removed through orders drafted by the JAG branch of the GHQ. She revealed that she had also contacted “friends in the Congress, especially Steve Solaran” to persuade US President Bush to pressurise then Pakistan President Gulam Ishaq Khan and the Army not to disqualify her from the elections.

“It would be most appropriate if military as well as economic assistance to Pakistan is stopped, and international agencies like the World Bank, IMF are told to squeeze the government of Pakistan… the suspension of F-16s and its spares will bring the army to its senses,” she wrote.

“Dear Peter, please use your influence on VP Singh and the Indian Prime Minister, to engage the Pakistan Army on the borders, so that they do not impede my way,” she pled.

The PPP of 20 years ago was a different beast: it is no secret that the PPP was allowed to form a government on the condition that it would have little say in defence, foreign policy and economic affairs – three subjects that even today are the property of the khakis. But when the masters felt that the PPP was getting too big for its boots, off it went. When Nawaz Sharif was installed as prime minister, the arrangement was similar. As with Benazir, when Nawaz became secure in his government, or even his mandate, it was time for him to go.

The PPP’s return to government after Musharraf also had the blessings of the military establishment – arrangements such as the National Reconciliation Ordinance or even the posting of governors were decided and put into practice well in advance. It was only after Benazir’s insistence that she would take on Musharraf in an attempt to have him removed altogether and impeached that she was silenced. After Benazir, the PPP has been a comfortable partner of the establishment. Does that letter written in 1990 have political relevance now? Not too much, is my guess.

MQM chief Altaf Hussain’s letter to Blair, a decade ago, was a similar attempt to get rid of the shackles of the ISI – even though it was written at a time when a dictator was in power. But in the ten years since, the MQM has been given much latitude by the establishment. Let us not forget that MQM’s impending return to government now, and certainly the return of Ishratul Ebad as governor, was brokered by the establishment. Privately, leaders of both parties admitted that this was as far as they could go (in Karachi), that power and resource sharing had become very complicated and something had to give. And yet, the two find themselves closer to being partners than arch-enemies today.

There is of course a line of reasoning that the MQM was positioning itself in such a manner that foreign forces could deal directly with it, that there are no intermediaries in their negotiations. There is some credence to this thought when combined with the argument that NATO forces want clear access from Karachi to Afghanistan, and for that purpose, they would rather deal with one political party than multiple groups.

Of course, ground realities are different and the logistics make this plan unfeasible. But past experiences have also taught us that all parties have sought to rid themselves of the patriarchal clutches of the Army and the ISI, only to realise that they must return to them if they are to become stakeholders in politics and resources.

The larger question is: can any mainstream party stand up to the Army and ISI, and relegate it to being subservient to democrats? Or have politicians permanently reconciled with the military’s dominance? I would love to argue that political forces and the people have agency for the former, but history makes me bet on the latter.

The writer is Deputy City Editor, Pakistan Today, Karachi. In Twitterverse, he goes by @ASYusuf.