Need for a new direction in Pakistan’s foreign policy

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When Pakistan came into being in 1947, its foreign policy addressed one simple objective: survival by any means necessary. In such an infantile stage Quaid-e-Azam made the following statement, in an effort to set the course for Pakistan in the future:

“We want to live peacefully and maintain cordial and friendly relations with our immediate neighbors and with world at large. We have no aggressive designs against anyone. We stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world”

However, circumstances changed and leaders after Jinnah saw things differently. Pakistan needed to adopt different policies for changing times and the present is no different. In a post-Cold War and multipolar world, we need a drastic change in our foreign policy.

In the creation of such a policy, I believe that four questions must be asked and answered to have a truly comprehensive view of Pakistan’s future goals.

Which are the great powers of our time and what should our relationship with them be like?

Going back to colonial times, we see that South Asian nations have always had to pick between global powers. Examples of this delicate balancing act are both the great game over Afghanistan contested by the Russians and British and battles between the French, British and Dutch over influence on the Indian princes. Identifying the global hegemons of now and the future is essential in our approach to diplomacy, traditional or asymmetrical. A great power can be said to be a state which possesses both economic strength and military might. Thus, the likely candidates are usually considered to be Germany, the USA, Chi, a and Russia. The one farther down the line might be Brazil and India.

With economic strength being increasingly de-centralized, we have more avenues for creating inter-connected markets, forging trade links and developing special relationships, such as the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), but we must be wary of surrendering sovereignty. Those days are long gone where we could rely on the US’s support in return for endless concessions. We should not antagonize one top-dog for another. Our goals should be mutually beneficial and cordial ties with as many powers as possible. A balance must be struck between appeasement and self-determination.

What should Pakistan’s role be in the post-Cold War global community?

Pakistan joined the UN primarily in a bid to gain sovereignty and to assist fellow newborn states such as our own. However, Pakistan has always had a very contradictory perspective when it comes to the UN’s mandate. We sign resolutions over Kashmir but refuse to accept the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). We walked out of the UN Security Council over the East Bengal Crisis but expect Israel to accept direction over Palestine. The manner in which Pakistan conducts itself in the global community at large impacts the influence we can have around the world and the picture we portray must be one of remaining consistent and being reasonable.

Pakistan should actively attempt to make itself center-stage when it comes to the rebuilding of post-conflict zones within Asia and Africa, with a specific focus on the Middle East and East Asia. Our goal should be that the image of Pakistan is of a nation which is agreeable to international standards and sensitive to the suffering of peoples around the globe.

How can the security of Pakistanis at home and abroad be protected?

The security question has always been at the forefront of governments and one of the predominant determinants in policymaking. During the ideological tussle of the 20th century, the Republic found itself not waging war or diplomacy for its ideals internationally, but rather for securing interests locally. In attempting this, organizations such as the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD) were created.

These organizations were originally used as a means to ensure the security of survival, safety from the immediate threat of being dismantled. However, things have changed. A new type of security is needed. Policies that ensure prosperity over bare-survival came in vogue, and naturally, policies needed to be and must be amended to secure this prosperity. Expansion of regional bodies and treaties for the purposes of cooperation and mutual defense would go a long way in establishing a network of stability for peoples across borders.

It is in Pakistan’s interests that its neighbors are prosperous as well, to achieve regional stability. Stable neighbors lead to the lesser threat of terrorism and less crime. Thus our goal here is to plan in the long-term, for ourselves and those around us.

When are our neighbors allies and when are they foes?

The final and most important question pertains to neighbors. While this topic could easily be a thesis on its own, a general rule of thumb can be applied to all of our neighbors; if they do not threaten our goals, interests or territorial integrity, they are friends of ours. If these criteria are not met, these states can be considered hostile to us. And thus, they are to be dealt with adoringly.

It can be said that Pakistan has always aimed towards achieving regional stability for itself, while simultaneously seeking to destabilize those who are opposed to its interests. This is why Pakistan has perused ties close with China while simultaneously intervening in Afghanistan and Oman. However, the State must also realize that at times the lines between ally and enemy is blurry, and for our own benefit.

In conclusion, the needs of our times keep changing, and so must our response. In turbulent times, we need determination and healthy cynicism of the global political game to ‘win’ it. This New World Order (NWO) combined with a lack of certainty from the Trump and Theresa May administrations requires us to adopt a more pragmatic approach for the future. We need to ask ourselves these questions in an attempt to find the policy that is right for our time.