Pakistan Today

Waiting for Superman

This year, in December, representatives from the international community will gather in Poland for CoP24 — the Conference of Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) — organised in an effort to support the ultimate aim of the UNFCCC: preventing “dangerous” human interference with the climate system. Internationally, there is growing anticipation – climate change is a buzzword these days, and COP24 has been called “Paris 2.0”, with many considering it the next step forward after the historic Paris Agreement of December 2015. Pakistan too will be represented at COP24 by Malik Amin Aslam — the adviser to the prime minister on climate change. And with good reason — Pakistan’s ongoing energy development projects as part of CPEC have caused raised eyebrows and voices internationally, especially among environmental activists.

While the potential rise in employment, power generation, and economic growth CPEC promises are real potential benefits, any and all dissenting voices are muted or labeled troublemakers by authority figures and other stakeholders. The consensus being: “These activists — they do more harm than good.”

Google “Climate Change Pakistan”. The first page of results is from western media sources. Results from even the most respected news sources in Pakistan on the topic can only be found after searching directly on their sites — and even then, it’s mostly recycled/”lifted” content from their respective Web/News Desks. Opinion pieces are rare, and the odd feature is limited to known holidays or internationally recognised dates.

Even among the educated population that makes up most of the audience attending workshops and seminars in Pakistan, many would be hard pressed to tell you what Pakistan’s role needs to be in the global Climate Change mitigation efforts, what climate justice demands are, why there need to be more gender responsive policies, etc.

On that last note: the People’s Demands for Climate Justice is actually an important part of this conversation that has not been touched upon by even Mr Aslam in his dialogues leading up to his participation in COP24. It sums up the actual problems hampering mitigation efforts (including fossil fuel exploitation, developed countries shirking their responsibility to a crisis they created and corporate takeovers of the climate conversation), is addressed to government representatives to the 24th Session of the Conference of Parties (COP24) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and signed by signatories from over 128 countries and has the support of 227 organisations.

Of the 14 members of Pakistan’s Senate Committee on Climate Change, only three are women. That’s for a country where historically, the part of the population most affected by poverty, religious and social obstacles, natural disasters and the impact of climate change is women

Talking about the people’s demands with activists in Pakistan produces mixed results.

“Oh, we’d fail on all of those,” says Rafay Alam.

Ahmad Rafay Alam is a Pakistani environment lawyer and activist and a Yale World Fellow. His activism and work with the Punjab government on climate change legislation led me to reach out to him

“Most of our large energy projects alone (like hydropower, coal mining, etc) involve the displacement of people.”

And that’s not all. There are various areas where it is becoming clear that intervention on a federal level will be needed before we see any progress. On greenhouse gas emissions alone, Rafay pointed out that our gas emissions are set to rise by 200%.

“Have you seen our INDC? We’re doing nothing.”

He’s referring, of course, to the document summarising Pakistan’s Intended Nationally Determined Contributions — reflecting our “contribution” to the global effort to reduce GHG emissions post-2020, the development of INDC, the scope of Pakistan’s INDC, its sectoral priorities and the potential benefits for Pakistan, providing an overview of current state of GHG emissions in six sectors: energy, transport, industry, waste, agriculture, and forestry.

“We’ve said we’ll cut that by about 20pc — if the international community agrees to pay us a specific amount.”

“It’s a very irresponsible position to take. We’re basically saying ‘we’re not going to do something unless you pay us.’ That’s how we’re trying to leverage the situation.”

There are, of course, certain realities that have to be faced. The first, as pointed out by lawyer and activist, Abuzar Salman Khan Niazi, is that Pakistan is not a contributor to the carbon emissions that contributed greatly to today’s climate change crisis.

“Our job, really, is to adapt to the crisis. I’m not saying we should follow in the footsteps of the global powers that contributed and continue to contribute to the problem — but our greatest concern right now is adapting to it. That’s what our policies need to focus on.”

And that adaptation needs to involve women. Of the 14 members of Pakistan’s Senate Committee on Climate Change, only three are women. That’s for a country where historically, the part of the population most affected by poverty, religious and social obstacles, natural disasters and the impact of climate change is women. One need look no further back than the floods in 2010 to prove that statement, as Abuzar pointed out.

“How exactly is such a committee supposed to propose policies that will help those most affected when there isn’t any representation for them?”

The second is that in order to make any kind of transition, Pakistan needs financial assistance. Abuzar points out that while that’s hardly the most appetising of thoughts — it’s true.

Which actually ties into another key point in the Peoples’ Demands: that developed countries honor their climate finance obligations to developing countries — in addition to Overseas Development Assistance — and in particular “commit to climate reparations to those most affected but least responsible for climate change.”

And the third? Pakistan’s government needs to step up. Because while both Rafay and Abuzar agree that Imran Khan’s government is the first that ran on and was elected to office on a campaign that focuses on green growth – simply planting trees a climate leader does not make. The environmental concerns are a provincial issue, after the amendments to the Constitution in 2010, but it is the state that is responsible for maintaining and caring for the areas that fall under the banner of the public trust — and our natural resources fall under that.

As we grow ever closer to COP24, we’re faced with some hard truths. As Abuzar points out, like most developing countries, Pakistan hasn’t contributed to the problem – but we’re suffering for it. And unless there are significant media attention and pressure on the international community, we’re unlikely to see the financial support we need in order to adapt and grow in a manner that does not negatively impact our economic function – but doesn’t contribute to the carbon footprint either.

“We’re waiting for the NGOs to come help,” complains Abuzar. “And when has that ever worked?”

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