- A case of swing state
Conventionally, it is deemed that Ohio elects the president of the United States. History shows as goes Ohio so goes the US. Similarly, the southern region of the mighty Punjab province, stretching from Khanewal to Sadiqabad, has assumed the role of a swing state. With GT Road favouring PML-N and Sindh staying loyal to Bhutto, the southern belt decides who gets to wear the much-wanted Sherwani.
PTI’s overwhelming success in general elections has yet again reiterated the notion that South Punjab is the road that leads to Islamabad. The dangling nature of the south raises a question as to why the ‘Riyasat’ once known for its loyalty has turned into a swing state. In order to trace the answer, one has to unfold the pages of history.
The land of Seraikis; Southern Punjab comprises three divisions: Multan, Bahawalpur, and DG Khan. Historically, the region enjoyed the status of an independent state ruled by the descendants of Abbasid Caliphs. It has always rendered services to the land of the pure. The richest princely state of its time, not only supported the cause led by Jinnah but also bore the financial burden of the nascent state. Be it the annexation at the time of Partition or the Bahawalpur State Merger Agreement under one unit policy, the region remained loyal to the government of Pakistan.
Unfortunately, the loyalty was rewarded by sheer poverty, ghost schools, mass unemployment, and shambolic health-care. The Metros and Speedos have only come to existence at the cost of leaving southerners drinking from the ponds. As far as the question of Seraiki identity is concerned, the Seraikis complain that their culture is neglected the way they are cornered. The likes of Khawaja Ghulam Farid and Shakir Shujabadi don’t get due share in national curricula. Seeking redress of their grievances the southerners have turned into a swing state.
The case of South is contended by two sides: South Punjab Chieftains and Seraiki Nationalists. Ostensibly, the Chieftains seem real advocates of Seraikis but the unpalatable reality is that they have always traded the mandate of southerners with key positions in cabinet. Once elected, they barely voice the grievances of Seraikis in the house. According to a report on the previous assembly, out of 80 MPAs from the South no one brought the motion of Seraiki province to the floor – a circle continues, tirades against Lahore throne’s supremacy before elections and silence after securing ministries.
On the other hand, the Seraiki Nationalists that include Seraiki intellectuals, scholars, academics, poets and students have always rallied for the creation of a Seraiki province. Unlike politicians, they don’t do any bargain instead prefer staying at Girja Ghar Chowk under scorching Multani heat chanting Ghinso Ghinso Subah Ghinso. The less documented yet a culturally rich movement dates back to the late 60s. Ustaad Fida Hussain Gadi provided it a platform to raise voice peacefully by founding Lok Sanjh. The words that it lacked were given by Ashiq Buzdar in the form of his Magnum Opus ‘Asan Qaidi Takht Lahore da’, and Taj Langah became the voice of Seraikis.
Whilst drawing the territorial sketch of the fifth province, the premier should make sure that a real architect maps it not a seasoned bargainer
Indeed, both groups have campaigned for the creation of a new province in one way or the other. However, the empirical evidence suggests that the former cashed upon it. It played according to the political landscape of the time, sometimes calling for the restoration of the Bahawalpur state while sometimes demanding province for entire southern Punjab. Consequently, the politics on the name of the new province has turned a simple thread into a complex bundle. Acting upon the historic words of Bismark, “Politics is the art of possible”, the Tumandars couldn’t make the creation possible but they did make their entry into the assembly possible. On the other, although at a snail’s pace, yet the Nationalists kept on chasing the dream of a Seraiki province.
According to article 239 of the constitution, the process of creating new provinces requires a two-thirds majority in both upper and lower house of the parliament and then a further two-thirds majority in the provincial assembly of the affected province. Considering incumbent government’s slim majority in both houses, it will be an uphill task for Kaptaan to fulfill his promise. Despite endorsing a new province in their manifestos, both traditional rivals will not let PTI take credit of a new province.
Firstly, the PTI needs to take all stakeholders on board. The JPSM group led by the House of Makhdoom deserves praise for pushing the newly elected government to form an executive council for the creation of a new province. However, the absence of real architects from the council is making rounds in Seraiki circles. Their worthy presence is indispensable, as the complex issue of creating a new province requires a joint effort from both groups and also a second hand is needed to roll the stone up the hill.
Secondly, the council needs to consult the parliamentary archives. In the words of Farhatullah Babar, a workable blueprint for the proposed province already exists. Instead of coming up with a new resolution, the executive council should look into the resolutions that are already passed by the parties occupying opposition benches.
Thirdly, the quota for southerners should be created in FPSC jobs on an immediate basis. According to zoning formula, the departing Punjab government-enforced 20pc quota in PPSC jobs by declaring the region as a special zone. The zoning formula is already followed in the prestigious Competitive Examinations e.g Sindh’s share of seats is divided between Sindh rural and Sindh urban applicants.
Whilst drawing the territorial sketch of the fifth province, the premier should make sure that a real architect maps it not a seasoned bargainer.
