Pushovers never strike gold in democratic system
All compromise is based on give and take, but there can be no give and take on fundamentals.
Any compromise on mere fundamentals is a surrender. For, it is all give and no take.
Mahatma Gandhi
This quote from a speech of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi is a powerful, witty and cutting rejoinder to the advocates of the politics of bargain at the expense of democratic principles in general, and seems to be a very pertinent piece of advice for our Prime Minister in the context of the present crisis, in particular.
Remaining mindful of the distinction between realpolitik and political principles, especially in the democratic arena of politics, is extremely important for a leadership role, and the public mandate— whereby leaders come into power—is always suggestive of the nature, kind and extent of a compromise, bargain or a deal, which such leaders are supposed to make on the behalf the people. A good leadership always reads the extent of this leeway—given between the lines of the mandate—and capitulating in face of an adversary and succumbing to pressure at the expense of fundamentals of democracy—as a part of political expediency—often happens to be a recipe for disaster in a democratic system.
The genesis of the present crisis ending up—rather culminating—into Panama case, has been dogging the PML-N, in one form or the other, from the very inception—as happens with every elected government in Pakistan—but precipitating it to the extent of a threat to the Prime Minister office is the making of the government itself. The Prime Minister’s alienating the Parliament seems to have appeared volte face and now democracy seems to be alienating the Prime Minister.
This began with eschewing sessions of the parliament by the Prime Minister and his utter disregard for Parliament’s supremacy, democratic and constitutional norms. One of the glaring examples of this was his dabbling in coercive and undemocratic measures to resolve political issues in Karachi—the instance not in consonance with the notion of democracy—and one of the grave mistakes the PML-N made immediately after coming into power. The Karachi operation, initially started to contain terror, got the distinction between terrorism and political victimisation blurred immediately after its approval. It slid into deception, a machination and victimisation process to obtain customised politics. The PML-N government also turned its back on the promised parliamentarians’ oversight of this operation, following its politics of expediency. The MQM, you may differ its political conduct and ideology, represents sizeable population of the country and wresting the fundamental rights from its people and gagging its leadership is undemocratic and coercive politics the PML-N cannot absolve itself from. The abductions, kidnappings and killings in Sindh and of Hazara people in Balochistan are still unabated occurrences and no politics of compromise of the Prime Minister—at the expense of democratic norms —have yielded wonders so far to reduce them. The PPP government in Sindh cannot help giving extension each time to the Rangers’ ongoing operation in Karachi partially under duress and partially owing to fear. Does this not amount to eroding trust of the people in democratic politics and let the undemocratic practices/forces impair democracy with greater vigour? And this does and did in the past too. The alienation of the democratic parties within the Parliament restricted the Prime Minister’s political manoeuvrability outside the Parliament—and when the Panama case began tightening its noose around the Prime Minister office—Nawaz Sharif was more of a sitting duck, letting democracy suffocate despite having heavy mandate in the National Assembly.
Another case of PML-N government’s worst political expediency is saving the PTI MNAs, contrary to the constitutional norms and provisions, from disqualification after their resignations and constant absence from the National Assembly. Had the PML-N government remained loyal to the constitution on the issue of the PTI resignations, the PPP would not have faced such large scale defections from Punjab and the PTI would have not been able to garner massive support to push PML-N to the wall and cause the current crisis.
Had the Nawaz government upheld that there was no daylight between the mandates of political parties from Sindh and the PML-N from Punjab, not pooh-poohed the democratic practices and constitutional norms, the Prime Minister would have not been as vulnerable by the Panama case as he appears to be. The major opposition parties—with exception of the PTI—would have thrown their weight behind the Prime Minister as the Leader of the House and the infamy, earned in this Panama rigmarole, would have been averted.
But time is still in favour the PML-N government but it seeks unwavering commitment and allegiance to democracy, constitutional norms and parliamentary practices. The death spiral trend of alienating the masses needs to be arrested by pledging afresh that PML-N would hold democracy, supremacy of Parliament and civilian rule in high esteem within the Parliament and outside, instead of yielding to unsolicited political expediency. For that, the Prime Minister must be cognizant that extraordinaire hypocrites or pushovers never strike gold in a democratic system.