Back with a bang
In the previous year during the same period (January–February), the number of attacks was fourteen. That’s a little less than this year’s attacks. But the impact of recent attacks is much bigger in scale and intensity
Within first forty-eight days of 2017, Pakistan has been attacked for more than twenty times. There were six attacks in January while within first seventeen days of February total number of attacks so far is fifteen. Put together, total number of deaths so far is reported to be more than a hundred and fifty, which is growing because a lot of victims are succumbing to their critical injuries.
In all of these attacks the target was either the Police force, military, FC, ISI or random civilians especially the Shi’a. The attack sites in January were KP (Dera Ismail Khan, Tank and Peshawar); Balochistan (Quetta and Panjgoor); and tribal areas (Parachinar). In February, the attacks happened in KP (Bannu, Nowshehra, DI Khan and Peshawar); Balochistan (Chaman, Awaran and Quetta); FATA (Bajaur Agency, Mohmand Agency, Khyber Agency and South Waziristan); Sindh (Karachi, Sehwan Sharif); and Punjab (Lahore). That is pretty much the length and breadth of Pakistan.
In the previous year during the same period (January–February), the number of attacks was fourteen. That’s a little less than this year’s attacks. But the impact of recent attacks is much bigger in scale and intensity. One reason for it may be the target areas of the attacks in 2016, which were mainly in remote districts of FATA, KP and Balochistan. Media coverage of most of these attacks remained marginal, which allowed the prevalence of a general complacence about terrorism.
The predominant narrative of ‘terrorism eradicated’ and ‘backbone of the terrorists has been broken’ kept reverberating through mainstream and alternative media. It was reinforced through periodic pressers by ISPR and interior minister replete with tall claims of uprooting terrorism and technical jargon like Intelligence Based Operations, combing operations, etc. The volley of victory statements over half cooked achievements prevented the state from focusing sustainable progress on terrorism.
After last year’s under-the-radar attacks, this year started with a gradual increase of the intensity and impact of progressively heightening terrorist attacks. Series of strong attacks have left the people and the media shell-shocked, who had started believing that fancy jargon of IBOs, combing ops and the holy Zarb-e-Azb were actually working. They had started believing the percentages ISPR had been giving repeatedly in almost monthly pressers claiming, “90pc territory has been cleared”. No one had a gall to ask what ‘clearing’ meant when in so called “cleared” territory common people were not allowed to go. This author has made several attempts at visiting the Waziristans (the “90pc cleared territory” that is) without the help of security forces. Only to be told that she needed to contact ISPR for making such a visit. Was enough to understand what the ‘cleared territory’ meant.
It is quite understandable to see some the trends like #BringBackRaheelSharif on social media, because people were made to go blind on the ongoing terror spate while applauding incessantly for Raheel Sharif. General public is not as meticulous as to ask were the IBOs and Zarb-e-Azb, etc, suddenly stopped after General Sharif’s retirement? Or what changed so quickly that terror resumed within a month of his leaving? Were we blindfolded throughout 2015-2016 that we couldn’t see it coming despite dozens of opinion writers including yours truly who kept writing what a farce this artificially created sense of peace would prove? Attacks on Shi’a did not stop despite the apparent ‘operation’ against LeJ.
More recently, (former?) militants from LeT and ASWJ have been given immense support for creating their benign non-militant public image, while retaining and strengthening their political power
So what exactly was the problem? NAP, NACTA and interior minister are our favourite punching bags while ignoring the elephant in the room. Irony is completely lost on us while accusing Afghanistan for harbouring and India for supporting the terrorists that attack us. India has been accusing us of sheltering and supporting their terrorists since 1990s. Afghanistan has been doing exactly the same since 2001. Our complaints against Afghanistan and India, however, started emerging in 2008-9. Now the situation is, Pakistan holds that we would first deal with the terrorists who attack us, and Afghan Taliban and LeT/JuD/JeM do not attack us. Going by the same argument, Afghanistan could maintain that Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and Jamaat-ul-Ahrar (JuA) etc are not attacking Afghanistan so they might be dealt with latter. India would slip away saying the same about TTP, etc. This vicious cycle of proxy war would then be never ending.
Aside from this suicidal policy of saving some ‘assets’ for leverage against neighbours, there is something else that cripples us when it comes to counter terrorism. Decades of allowing a host of different countries to hold their proxies on our land has created a critical mass of these proxies who might be appearing friendly to the state of Pakistan but are playing havoc with the mental and ideological health of this nation. These militant proxies have become part of the social fabric with their roots set deep down the flesh of the state and society of Pakistan that any attempt to root them out would mean a C-section – in fact various C-sections – of the body. The skinning and cutting through the flesh would mean a lot of pain and re-birth of the nation. No one seems to be ready for that. Plus, it is too big a task to be initiated by an ordinary mortal. It would need Jinnah-like authority and credibility. The larger than life image that Raheel Sharif created for himself might have helped him a tad. But even he could not venture into it.
In the name of ‘mainstreaming the militants’, our decision makers – the real ones, who have been in power not just in office – have committed biggest blunders of instituting these groups in the social and political life of the country. So entrenched they have become that there is no political party in this country – not even the military – that could work without getting blessings from the likes of Ludhianvis and Jhangavis. In the General Elections of 2013, several sectarian militants were awarded tickets by major political parties. For example, PML-N awarded tickets to Ch Abid Raza Gujjar, a disciple of al Qaida’s Amjad Farooqi (who was linked with Daniel Pearl kidnapping as well as 2003 twin attacks on then president general Musharraf). Gujjar was arrested and interrogated by the ISI for eight months after the attacks on Musharraf, because of which, his elder brother Naeem Raza Gujjar lost his cabinet position in Punjab. He was a member from then ruling PML-Q. With that background, Ahmed Raza entered the parliament winning more than 90,000 votes from NA-107.
Another example is Ebaad Dogar who was awarded PML-N ticket for NA 178. Dogar’s claim to fame inter alia was his announcement of Rs10 million bounty over the head of then Governor Punjab SalmaanTaseer who was latter assassinated in 2010. Dogar was also interrogated by law enforcement agencies for facilitating the assassination. Such CVs of these candidates do not bother PML-N. Senior ministers of this party were heard defending these candidates. Similar examples could be found in PPP and PTI as well.
More recently, (former?) militants from LeT and ASWJ have been given immense support for creating their benign non-militant public image, while retaining and strengthening their political power. This ‘mainstreaming’ has been choreographed without ensuring that these extremists abandon their narrative. In the final analysis, we have helped them create hundreds of thousands ideological Hafiz Saeeds, Ludhianvis and Jhangavis.
We are not even thinking about embarking upon the path towards the essential C-section for the re-birth. In all probability Sehwan Sharif like attacks would – God forbid – keep appearing despite all kinds of IBOs and ZeAs. We are avoiding essential pains.
