Trump and Pakistani Christians

This is what years of persecution and state-led “othering” has wrought in Pakistani minorities

Soon after Donald J Trump got elected as President, his election faced ardent opposition of Pakistani’s. Several remarks made by him in his campaign and even so now continue to outrage different communities. His comments to make immigration rules more stringent for “Muslims” in particular has earned him wave of criticism. Trump taking charge of office has caused a sense of apprehension which is shared by Muslims in US and Pakistan alike. Which has bred questions like Is America becoming intolerant of its racial and religious minorities? These questions are valid and have put us in dilemma anticipating Trump’s next move.

But what do the Christians in Pakistan think about Trump coming to power? How does his pronouncement to refuse immigration from Muslim majority countries affect them (if, indeed, it does)? These are pertinent questions which have not been given much heed. I approach these questions not as an expert, but rather engage with them based on my personal interactions and observations within these communities. It has to be admitted that many Christians welcomed election of President Trump, his appeal to Christian rhetoric have had significant impact on Christians in Pakistan. Many see him as a modern day Constantine, reviving “Christian values” in America. His stance against abortion and same-sex marriage have won appraisal by Evangelicals and Catholics alike. His outright condemnation of Islamic Radicalism as opposed to Obama has also made him popular among hardliners.

In terms of implications for restrictions on immigration they are not much concerned, as very few use to get visas to US (mostly the elite Christians or asylum seekers were the beneficiaries). What concerns me is the lack of compassion for their fellow compatriots who will be seriously affected by the policy, in not all, but some Christians.

My social media feed is full of posts by fellow Christians fawning Trumps policies; in personal encounters too they seem to stay oblivious to his hate filled rhetoric. There are those of course has raised its voice to condemn bigotry of Trump. But their absence of connection with Pakistani identity is vivid. I think it resulted out of years of conditioning. Their nationalism is seriously hampered. In retrospect this current delinquent situation, can be understood by state promulgating disparity in society.

Attempts made to convert Pakistan into a theocratic state have had significant repercussions for Christians. The state led “othering” of its non-Muslim citizens has gradually alienated them in their own homeland. Reduction of nationalism to religious affiliation alone shredded the aspirations of non-Muslim citizens.

After the creation of Pakistan, Jinnah pushed the advancement of Pakistan along mainstream law based lines, encouraging Pakistanis of all religions to overlook the past and see themselves as residents of the State of Pakistan with equivalent rights, benefits, and commitments. In any case, overlooking the past, demonstrated troublesome situation, after years of accentuation on religious distinction by Jinnah.

Regardless of religious homogeneity, Pakistan appeared as a differing, unevenly state. Rather than accommodating these differing values, by building up a feeling of equity and cooperation, the verdict pronouncing elites (constituting the Urdu-talking Mohajirs and Punjabis) utilised religious imagery to counter monetary discontent, political dispute, and ethnic patriotism. The accentuation on Islamic solidarity was likewise utilised against outside insecurity and the antagonistic vibe made by Indian pioneers, a number of whom anticipated the early crumble of Pakistan.

Nationalism in Pakistan manufactured, based on the adherence to Islam as a cohesive force.  Free mixing of religion with state politics has induced, in religious minorities a sense of insecurity, and has hindered free expression of religion.

The most explicit engagement with religion in the early post partition years was as the Objectives Resolution, an introduction to the constitution that was to be added because of insistence from Islamist groups, for example, the JI. The immensity of such typical changes in the constitution lies less in their practical utility, of which there was none in those years, yet it did play a role in keeping alive a certain measure of equivocalness in regards to the part of religion can play with state. In fact, the Objectives Resolution permitted the legislature to claim triumph by including just a couple words in an introduction to the constitution, while in the meantime it let the Islamists a guaranteed achievement for having constrained an acknowledgment of their stance in the constitution. This opened an avenue for them to use this power to further Islamise the country, and synonymising Muslim with Pakistani. The introduction of separate electorates in 1985 inferred a limitation of social equality not just for Ahmadis additionally for different religious minorities like Christians.

The most pressing contemporary inquiries are; whose nation it is, whose vision it ought to speak to, and who or what a Muslim is? How these inquiries are addressed has essential propositions for peace and strength for both interior and outer relations.