No two ways about it
It may be argued that the decision to continue with the boycott of Constituent assembly after having entrenched in the interim government of 1945-1946 was solely Jinnah’s
Speaking about the principal actors of final act of transfer of powers from British to India, HY Hudson in his famous book, ‘’The Great Divide’’ says; Of all the personalities in the last act of the great drama of India’s re-birth to independence, Muhammad Ali Jinnah was at once the most enigmatic and the most important”. Léonard Mosley also regards Pakistan as a “one man achievement”.
Quaid-i-Azam was not always a Quaid-i-Azam rather he had paid a great price to become Quaid-i-Azam. Jinnah’s true political career started when he joined Muslim League in 1913 and became eminent political figure by the time of the Lucknow Pact 1916 when he conferred upon the title of “Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity’’. But ensuing events gave birth to a new drama of politics in un-divided India. The nascent slogan of Hindu-Muslim unity proved to be short-lived. Jinnah did realise the Muslims of Congress’ ulterior motives behind supporting Khilafat movement as vindictive Gandhi was only interested in avenging Amritsar Tragedy of 13 April 1919, in which 319 people were killed, by General Dyer, who were protesting against the Rowlett Act. Moreover, Jinnah suggested three amendments in the biased Nehru report, but all of them were rejected by Congress. So, Jinnah uttered historical words, “The Nehru committee has adopted a narrow-minded policy to ruin the political future of Muslims. I regret to declare that the report was biased and not deserved to be implemented”. So, failure of the first and the last combined political struggle on the part of two sister communities in the shape of Khilafat Movement and the Nehru Report detached the Muslims from an illusion of Hindu Muslim unity.
During the course of events it Jinnah who personally interposed by dint of his indefatigable temperament and unparalleled courage. He became successful in defending the Muslims so gallantly that nefarious designs of Congress could not achieve their objectives. His famous ‘Fourteen points’ or ‘Irreducible minimum political demands’ — presented in response to Nehru Report — saved Muslims. In fact these were the same demands being made by Muslims from time to time but what had made them unique was the way a renowned constitutionalist presented them articulately and comprehensively, which had served as guiding principles for next decade until Muslims officially demanded a separate homeland in 1940’s Pakistan Resolution.
The most critical phase of the Muslim struggle in sub-continent came during 1937-1947 when Qauid-i-Azam proved himself the real founder of Pakistan. It was Jinnah who re-organised the Muslim League in this critical period when Congress ministries left no stone unturned to perpetrate atrocities against Muslims. As he was fully cognisant of the fact that the morale of the people was at its lowest ebb, he had decided to visit every nook and corner of the country, his politically sagacious policy brought fruits as Muslim league was fortunate to enlist two veteran politicians, Sir Skindar Hayat and Moulvi Fazl-ul-Haq, on its side. Apart from this, emotive speeches by Jinnah across the country put indelible marks on the minds of people who later overwhelmingly voted for the League in the 1945-1946 election. So, had there been no such reorganisation, Muslims would have been met a same fate in 1945-46 elections.
Moreover, the situation during 1937-1947 presented and permitted two alternative paths for the development of Muslim politics in India; either going along with the Congress viewpoint or carving out their own independent line of action. These alternative paths were presented on at least seven different but specific occasions but on no occasion did Mohammad Ali Jinnah vacillate rather each time he chose for Muslims of India the path towards Muslim religio-political identity on a constitutional plan. For instance in 1940 AIML refused to accept anything less than a separate homeland and in response to Congress’ “Quit India movement”, Jinnah gave his own slogan “Divide and Quit”. Jinnah’s presidential address to AIML in 1937 evinced his emphatic attitude over Muslim separation and independent line of action for the League.
The allegation against Qauid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah for accepting a weak Pakistan can be vehemently rejected through the evidence available on the ground
Thus, by the beginning of 1940, Muslim politics took a new turn and departed from pre-1937 policy. Jinnah’s presidential address on 22 March 1940 was a hallmark in the political history of Muslim nationalism in India. He said, “The Two and a half year Congress rule was a souring experience for us. The year of Congress rule gives us a bitter lesson and have created a fear of Hindu domination” He made a concept of two nation theory clear and rejected the concept of Indian nationalism. The historic resolution which ensued became a Clarion call as well as the morning star on the two hundred years dark night of the slavery of Indian Muslims.
The Cripps proposal, the nefarious-cum-inimical manoeuvre of diplomacy by the British to appease Muslims to win their support in World War-II, was precociously discerned by the great leader through his deep political acumen and matchless diplomatic skills, and he rejected it out of hand.
It is true that Mohammad Ali Jinnah showed acquiescence to the Cabinet Mission Plan but it was an earnest effort primarily motivated by the fact that the plan had germs of Pakistan in it. The plan also provided somewhat limited Muslim relgio-political identity in confederate India with a proposal of Pakistan after a decade if said plan could not satisfy the stakeholders.
It may be argued that the decision to continue with the boycott of Constituent assembly after having entrenched in the interim government of 1945-1946 was solely Jinnah’s. This judicious decision led His Majesty’s government declaration of 20 February 1947 (British PM Attlee announced that his Majesty’s government had been intended to transfer power to responsible hands in India not later than June 1948) which eventually paved the way for creation of the new state under which the hitherto religiously persecuted and economically impoverished Muslim minority could lead their lives according to very ideals as enshrined in the Quran and practiced by the Holy Prophet (PBUH).
In addition, the 3 June plan of Lord Mountbatten and the Redcliff Award, indubitably, disturbed Muslim optimism of restoring their land by the legitimate justification of numerical number of areas (Punjab and Bengal), yet it was Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s sagacity to handle Mountbatten, as the latter did not have any intention to give Jinnah a separate homeland.
The allegation against Qauid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah for accepting a weak Pakistan can be vehemently rejected through the evidence available on the ground.
Indeed, as late as 1946, whatever the political forces and conditions at work, the alternative path of united India was the most likely and the most imminent choice. But it was solely Jinnah, whose crucial decisions lead the United India directly to Pakistan. Within a year, Jinnah‘s resourcefulness and discreetness transformed the possibility of independent Muslim homeland into an actuality.
Thus, Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s role was crucial and critical in realising the long cherished dream of Allama Mohammad Iqbal. The whole world has acknowledged that had there been no Jinnah, there would have been no Pakistan, and the nation rightfully pays homage to illustrious personage and acknowledges him as Quiadi-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah — a great leader. Stanley Wolpert, in his book “Era of Pakistan”, rightly said about Mr Jinnah; Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. MA Jinnah did all three”.
