The Paradox of Freedom

This well-researched treatise on the history of Pakistan reflects the intellectual honesty and objectivity rarely seen in the national narratives of Pakistan which have deliberately obscured the liberal and progressive foundations of the nation

‘From a thoughtful reading of the work under review, it is explicit that the existing religious extremism in Pakistan is a sheer negation of the promise of peace and prosperity enjoined in the ideological framework of the demand for a separate homeland for the Muslims of India.’

The State of Islam: Culture and Cold War Politics in Pakistan

Author: Saadia Toor

Publisher: Oxford University Press, Karachi

Pages: 252; Price: Rs895/-

The State of Islam: Culture and Cold War Politics in Pakistan would at once remind a knowledgeable reader of Faiz Ahmed Faiz’s article ‘Progress of a Dream’ published in 1949 which begins thus: “As the late Quaid-e-Azam repeatedly explained, the Muslim declaration for Pakistan was not a declaration of war against the non-Muslim majority in the sub-continent. It was, on the other hand, a declaration of peace.”

Certainly, a glance at the historical record of the speeches of ‘the Father of the Nation’ and the ideals of freedom and prosperity envisaged by the common masses during the Pakistan Movement would appear to corroborate the aforesaid statement.

From a thoughtful reading of the work under review, it is explicit that the existing religious extremism in Pakistan is a sheer negation of the promise of peace and prosperity enjoined in the ideological framework of the demand for a separate homeland for the Muslims of India.

Sadia Toor’s account of Pakistan which begins with the rise of Muslim nationalism during British regime in India and moves into the turbulent history of the country in the post-Independence era, unveils the cracks in the trenches of text-book historical accounts of the ideology of this Islamic nuclear state in which politico-cultural role of the progressive sections of society seems to have minimalized in the wake of religious extremism.

It also highlights the events and the mindset which has pushed this country into the current state of demoralization with thousands of civilians and security personnel dead and maimed and hundreds of millions dismayed over the future of their homeland.

The question is why to study the history of Pakistan and relate it with the current global scenario? The work has topical value in certain ways.

Firstly, Pakistan is an Islamic nuclear state – conspicuous for its geo-political and strategic importance. Secondly, the country is playing a vital role in ‘war on terror’ in the aftermath of 9/11 tragedy. Thirdly, the country has a long impending border dispute with India which is a flashpoint between the two nuclear powers. Fourthly, the increasing sectarian violence in Pakistan has far-reaching regional implications in the wake of Saudi-Iranian conflict. Lastly, the Islamic militancy is on the rise in Pakistan and is suspected of harbouring terrorists involved in acts of terrorism across the globe. Keeping in view the foregoing factors, it is essential to analyze the issue of religious extremism in Pakistan in terms of its regional and global implications.

For the author, the scheme of study would naturally be to recast the liberal and democratic foundations of Pakistan and to mount a critique of ideological and repressive state apparatuses in manipulating right-wing patriarchal and puritanical culture in post-Independence era – throwing the nation into the current parochial, ethnic and sectarian divide with non-state actors beyond government control.

‘Zia’s anti-socialistic Islamization was fully backed by the Western bloc, which in return capitalized upon anti-Soviet sentiment of Sunni Islamists who wowed to raise jihad against USSR in Afghanistan to purge this region of the atheistic ideology of the Communists.’

Cultural and Economic Orientation of Pakistan Ideology

The author seems to have shed much ink in bringing to light the cultural and economic foundation of the ideology of Pakistan which has been deliberately distorted and suppressed by the ruling elite. In chapter 1, Introduction, the author clearly identifies the politico-cultural and secular dimensions of the demand for Pakistan. She argues that the leading Muslim intellectuals and politicians demanded a separate country for Muslims as the latter formed a distinct cultural and national entity according to the modern sense of a nation. The work underlines the fact that Muslim theologians rejected the demand for a separate state for Indian Muslims on the premise that it ‘undermined the solidarity of global Muslim community’. Jinnah also refused to incorporate the concept of Islamic law in the legal structure of the proposed Muslim state. Furthermore, the author has also brought to focus the economic aspect of the demand for Pakistan. Muslim League which came into existence as a party of aristocrats gradually realized that it could not get mass support unless it incorporated in its agenda the economic issue of the common Muslims. In 1930s, ordinary Muslims were attracted towards the socialistic ideology. In order to bring the ordinary Muslims into the folds of the Muslim League, Jinnah took up the issue of economic nationalism and even used the phrase ‘Islamic Socialism’. So, it is noteworthy that it was the slogan of politico-cultural and economic nationalism, not ‘Islam as religious ideology’ which gathered Muslims under the banner of Muslim League. Affirming this economic and cultural nationalism, Faiz says, “We shall build hospitals and schools and playgrounds, and ships and aeroplanes: we shall set up factories and laboratories and theatres and concert halls, write poetry and listen to music …”

Chapter 2, Consolidating the Nation State! East Bengal and the Politics of National Culture, further exposes the cracks in the myth of Islam as religious ideology of Pakistan in the aftermath of the paradox of cross-border migration and Urdu-Bengali controversy. The chapter which deals with the first decade of the post-Partition era brings to light the important paradox of independence in the context of cross-border migration. It is noteworthy that all of the Muslims of India did not migrate to the newly-created Muslim State nor did all of the Hindus living in Pakistani region migrate to India. Majority of wealthy Muslims and Hindus retained their pre-partition position in order not to forsake their economic interests. Moreover, the newly-created country had to face the issue of national language which turned out to be the ‘politics of culture’. West Pakistan-dominated Establishment declared Urdu as the national language of Pakistan. East Bengal demanded the same status for Bengali language. This controversy rocked East Bengal with protests. In the state elections of 1954, Muslim League was completely routed by Bengali nationalist parties. Afterwards, the Establishment tried to out-manoeuvre Bengal’s demographic majority through the ‘politics of parity’ by declaring all of the units of Western Wing as one-unit. It means that political field was dominated by cultural politics. The Pakistani Establishment being politically vulnerable resorted to the politics of religion against the ethnic politics of East Pakistan. That is how religious forces crept into the corridors of power.

Politics of Literature

The author’s discussion on literary controversy in Pakistan is one of the interesting accounts of the work. It invokes the literary accounts of ‘hegemony and ideology’ in the works of Marxist theorists like Antonio Gramsci and Althusser who affirm that literature is an ideological construct and is the most powerful cultural tool in the hands of the ruling elite to manage ideological complicity of the people. The Indian Writers’ Progressive Literary Movement had played a vital role in mobilizing masses against imperial rule during the Liberation Movement. In the post-Independence era, Progressive Writers’ Association in Pakistan decided to promote the cause of the common masses who had rendered sacrifices to accomplish the dream of qualitative change in their lives in an independent Muslim State. This was quite distasteful to the ruling elite who encouraged dissension in the ranks of the progressive intellectuals resulting in the creation of a nationalist faction.

Chapter 3, Post-Partition Literary Politics, deals with the political undercurrents of the literary controversy. The nationalist writers declared that socialistic vision of the progressives was incompatible with the task of nation building because the latter required complete loyalty to the nation, State and the Muslim League party. Later on, the cold-war politics further fortified the stance of the nationalist against the progressives. That is how the right-wing literary and cultural politics outweighed progressive forces, paving way for the dominance of conservative and religious pressure groups in Pakistani power politics.

Military Regimes and Cold War Politics in Pakistan

In the post-Independence era, Pakistan’s political scenario has been dominated by the military Establishment. The country has faced four military coups. Discussion regarding the political role of the military establishment in Pakistan seems to be the core issue of the work in view. The author argues that military Establishment has been dominating the political cultural and economic affairs of the state and society which has hampered the growth and smooth functioning of democracy and institutions resulting in corrupt political culture. The author is quite candid in her perception that military’s manipulation of the state, society and its economy has created a ‘predatory environment’ which does neither secure the interests of common people nor the peace and stability of the region.

Reviewing the political history of the military establishment, the author narrates that as a result of continued conflict between Pakistani Establishment and Bengali nationalist party, military seized power in 1958. Pre-occupied with the issue of national security, the military regime became intensely involved in cold-war politics.

Chapter 4 Ayub Khan’s Decade of Development and its Cultural Vicissitudes; Chapter 5 From Bhutto’s Authoritarian Populism to Zia’s Military Theocracy and Chapter 6 The Long Shadow of Zia: Women, Minorities and the Nation State incorporate a detailed discussion of the mechanisms of military regimes in marginalizing the socialistic vision in politics and strengthening the Western perspective against Communism.

Under the Ayub regime, culture and literature were used to undermine the revolutionary ideals of people of Pakistan. The pro-Establishment writers propagated to keep aesthetics and politics apart in order to diffuse the influence of the socially-committed writers. As Ayub’s regime became unpopular in the aftermath of its pro-bourgeois policies, it evinced a flexible behaviour towards religious parties against the fast-increasing popularity of the leftist forces. However, President Ayub Khan had to step down under pressure from popular political sentiment against his undemocratic government.

Bhutto’s popularly elected government proved an interlude between the military regimes of Ayub Khan and General Zia. His government was conspicuous for its patronage of indigenous, cultural heritage and progressive literature. Pakistan supported freedom movements across the globe. Bhutto government also established friendly ties with the socialistic regimes which was a clear departure from the traditional foreign policy of Pakistan.

However, Bhutto’s progressive policies and his aristocratic behaviour alienated the Establishment, feudals, capitalists and the religious clerics who under the influence of international and national key players of cold war politics launched anti-Bhutto movement leading to the military takeover of General Zia.

The author argues that Zia’s regime is considered as the most devastating era in terms of its adverse impact upon the liberal and secular image of Pakistan. General Zia reversed pro-labour and pro-peasant reforms of Bhutto. He pledged to transform Pakistan into an Islamic polity which necessitated a ‘theocratic state’. The regime affirmed that secularism, socialism, democracy and political parties were un-Islamic.

Zia’s anti-socialistic Islamization was fully backed by the Western bloc, which in return capitalized upon anti-Soviet sentiment of Sunni Islamists who wowed to raise jihad against USSR in Afghanistan to purge this region of the atheistic ideology of the Communists. The military regime glorified pious male Muslim as an ideal citizen of the Islamic State which denigrated women and non-Muslims in the body politic. Women dress and behaviour at public places were checked under anti-obscenity drive. Judicial judgments kept men at an advantageous position. Even the speeches of Jinnah and the verses of Iqbal were reinterpreted to reaffirm official version of history, religion and culture.

As the country became a front-line ally of US and West in war against Soviet Union, the regime capitalized upon the situation to gain economic and political mileage in its favour. In this way, the ‘Islamization project of Zia’ transformed a tolerant, liberal and egalitarian society of Pakistan into a puritanical patriarchy with zero tolerance for interfaith and intercommunal harmony.

1990s –A Longish Civilian Prologue to Musharraf’s Reign

The mysterious air-crash in which Zia and his close military aides were assassinated, resulted in the restoration of democracy. Chapter 6 The Long Shadow of Zia: Women, Minorities and the Nation-state explains that the announcement of party based elections in 1988 helped mobilize pro-democracy masses who had been muted into silence during Zia regime. But with the return to formal democracy and the inability of the elected governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif to resist conditionalities of IMF, progressive forces retreated into the politics of NGOs. With this lapse of the progressive forces into inaction, right-wing religious and political activism gained momentum. Sectarian and ethnic violence increased manifold. In the Epilogue – the Neoliberal Security State, the author argues that the continued direct and indirect influence of military Establishment on the political, constitutional and cultural history of Pakistan, the country has virtually relegated to a neo-liberal security state. As a corporate institution, military Establishment is the single largest owner of the urban real estate and rural agricultural land in the culture which underlines military’s institutional needs to establish Pakistan as a neo-liberal security state. To add to it, the author mocks at the paradox of liberal intellectuals and NGOs’ tilt towards the neo-liberal military regime of General Musharraf. It is ironical that the hibernative liberal and progressive forces of Pakistan have sought refuge in the neo-liberalism of the Army against the extremism of the Islamists and the Talibans.

The author concludes her argument at an optimistic note in an unlimited potential and commitment of the ordinary people of Pakistan for not giving way to the forces of oppression and extremism. This commitment of the people has been reflected in PTCL workers’ protests and the uprisings of AMP (Anjuman Muzara’een-e-Punjab) during Musharraf regime. The author affirms that the materialization of the dream of a peaceful, liberal and enlightened Pakistan envisioned by the ordinary people under the leadership of Jinnah in British India will take place at the hands of the same masses. This vision of the author invokes the futuristic vision of Faiz which the poet expressed in his poem Subh-e-Azadi (The Dawn of Freedom) in 1947.

This well-researched treatise on the history of Pakistan reflects the intellectual honesty and objectivity rarely seen in the national narratives of Pakistan which have deliberately obscured the liberal and progressive foundations of the nation. The book not only revisits received behaviours towards history and ideology of Pakistan but also suggests the ways of future regeneration. The work calls back to Jinnah’s vision of tolerant, progressive and moderate Pakistan to challenge and defeat political and religious obscurantism.