The PPP versus PML-N: Where’s the beef?

Sweet revenge pure and simple

The PPP leadership continued to support the PML-N government for full two years from June 2013 to June 2015, disregarding criticism from within the party and from political rivals. Among the displays of mutual bonhomie was the farewell luncheon for Zardari given by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on Sep5, 2013, where both leaders alternately lavished praises on each other. “All constitutional amendments during President Zardari’s tenure were made with consensus,” said the prime minister. “The restoration of the 1973 constitution could not be possible without Nawaz Sharif,” quipped the outgoing President Zardari.

Two weeks earlier on August 23, Zardari had hosted a dinner at the presidency where the newly elected prime minister had been invited along with important politicians, bureaucrats and foreign diplomats. In his speech Asif Ali Zardari made particular mention of Nawaz Sharif’s India policy. He praised the government’s role in exercising restraint during the tension along the Line of Control. Zardari said both Pakistan and India needed to ensure that the fallout of the recent incidents along the LoC was not allowed to derail the normalisation process.

Zardari announced that with PML-N in power, PPP’s relations with the new government would be defined by the PPP’s policy of conciliation. He assured Nawaz Sharif that this was not the time for politicking

Zardari announced that with PML-N in power, PPP’s relations with the new government would be defined by the PPP’s policy of conciliation. He assured Nawaz Sharif that this was not the time for politicking. He would instead cooperate with the government for the next five years. Addressing Sharif, Zardari said, “We will work under your leadership and indulge in politics only when you announce elections.”

Throughout the last half of 2013 and the entire 2014 the PPP acted like a loyal opposition, disregarding complaints from its Punjab chapter of maltreatment of PPP workers by Shahbaz Sharif. One of the common complaints was that cases had been ‘falsely’ registered against several PPP provincial leaders. NAB was ‘victimising’ party bigwigs on corruption charges.

There were also complaints that PPP was losing support among the masses for it was widely seen to be a B-team of the ruling party. That its place as the major opposition was being taken over by a more critical and assertive PTI. It was suggested by several leaders of the Punjab chapter that the party leadership adopt a more adversarial policy toward the PML-N government.

It was even claimed that PTI was benefitting from Zardari’s policy of conciliation towards the PML-N and numerous PPP activists were leaving the party to join the PTI.

Zardari disregarded the criticism telling critics that they didn’t know politics. He asserted that the policy of conciliation with the PML-N would continue

In September came the hard-hitting statement issued from London. Zardari maintained that the steps being taken by the government “clearly indicated” that the rulers were “dividing” the nation in an attempt “to save their natural allies Taliban and the terrorists” and to “weaken” the war against terror

The PPP provided crucial support to the PML-N throughout 2014. In April tensions mounted between the government and the military leadership for a number of reasons. These included anti-army remarks by certain bigmouths in the cabinet, treatment meted out to Musharraf and partiality shown by the prime minister for Hamid Mir and Geo TV which had pointed a finger at the ISI chief for being responsible for the attack on the anchor. Some of the opposition parties supported the army on the issue. Ch Shujaat, for instance, demanded the disqualification of legislators who defamed the army.

This caused panic in the PLM-N ranks. The prime minister went into a huddle with Zardari. The one-on-one meeting between Zardari and Sharif was followed by delegation level talks between their aides.

On a signal from Zardari a day earlier PPP Senator Farhatullah Babar had extended his party’s support to the PML-N government against any “undemocratic adventurism”. Khursheed Shah soon followed suit. The current situation in the country, he said, does not allow any dictatorship and the judiciary will also not endorse any misadventure. Referring to strong reaction from the army to some speeches made recently in the parliament, the PPP leader said “minor mistakes” made by legislators should be tolerated and overlooked. When asked whether the PPP supported the PML-N government or the army in the “tiff between the two”, Shah said his party was “with the masses”.

When reports emerged that military quarters were calling for Khawaja Asif to be replaced, Shah said in a statement it would be “dangerous” to remove Khawaja Asif on pressure from a “subordinate institution”.

The biggest and the most crucial support was to come in August during Imran Khan’s march on Islamabad followed by the sit-in and the storming of the red zone.

Throughout this period PPP leaders tried to persuade Imran Khan to shun confrontation, leading the PTI chief to dub Khursheed Shah as PML-N’s spokesman. Khurshid Shah also urged army chief Gen Raheel Sharif to give a “shut up” call to those trying to drag the institution into political matters.

In the last week of August the PTI and PAT activists fought the police and occupied the Parliament House lawns, finally camping outside the Prime Minister House. The army leadership meanwhile advised the government to shun the use of force and hold talks with the violent mob bent upon entering the PM House. On August 29 it was gleefully announced by Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri that the COAS had told them the government had been put on 24 hours notice to resolve the crisis. This led Imran Khan to declare that the referee had raised his finger.

The events left many in the country stunned. In an editorial on August 31 the Dawn summarised the situation thus: “The biggest question: can Nawaz Sharif survive? The answer in these frantic hours must surely be a miserable, despondent no.”

It was PPP’s all out support at this moment that put new life in the PML-N which had lost all hope and was left with no will to fight. The PPP advised the prime minister to convene the joint session of parliament to tell those who matter that there was going to be no walkover. The plan succeeded. The PML-N government survived.

Zardari continued to support the government during the first few months of 2015, unmoved by what the party leaders called excesses committed on the PPP rank and file in Punjab. The province was not worth picking up a fight for because the party had lost hope of winning it back from the PML-N. But similar acts were altogether unbearable when it came to Sindh, the traditional fief of the party still solidly at its back.

With the start of 2015 a sudden change was noticed in the activities of the Rangers. There was a sudden diversion of Karachi operation from target killers and terrorists to white-collar criminals. The Rangers raided and arrested various key officials of Karachi Development Authority over alleged misappropriations and misuse of power.

April as many as 45 employees of Sinsh Local Government Department were picked up by law enforcement agencies, 15 belonging to f grade 17 and 18 on charges of extortion, target killing and other crimes..

In June and July 52 officers from different government departments were arrested over charges of corruption, embezzlement and misappropriation of government funds across the province. Dr Asim Hussain’s turn came in September.

It took Zardari a few weeks to realise the implications of what was happening.

He saw the interior ministry being hand in glove with the Rangers. How could Ch Nisar support the Rangers action without the backing of Nawaz Sharif? A conspiracy was afoot against the PPP. The party was being accused of corruption, land-grabbing, smuggling of Iranian oil, extortion and collecting ransom to finance the Lyari gangsters.

While he had shut his eyes to the PML-N corruption, the Sharif government was out to nab his people on criminal charges. This was unforgiveable.

In September came the hard-hitting statement issued from London. Zardari maintained that the steps being taken by the government “clearly indicated” that the rulers were “dividing” the nation in an attempt “to save their natural allies Taliban and the terrorists” and to “weaken” the war against terror. He accused Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif of “repeating the politics of the 1990s”. Zardari demanded that “politics of revenge” should be stopped immediately. Otherwise, he warned, there could be disastrous consequences.

Two days earlier PPP leaders had declared in Islamabad that the party had decided to end its policy of reconciliation and would no longer be supporting the PML-N government in any political crisis.

The policy of reconciliation had come to an end. This raises the questions if the policy of reconciliation and support to the PML-N government was motivated by an altruistic sentiment to strengthen democracy? Or was it a well-thought-out though cynical policy of self-preservation devised by a PPP leadership which had been thoroughly immersed in corruption during its five year long tenure?

The Panama Papers have provided an opportunity to the PPP leadership to prove to the world that the PML-N is as corrupt as any other party in the country. It is sweet revenge pure and simple.