A tale of activism

Struggle for democratic order through the years

Growing up on the Mall Road in the formative years of Pakistan was challenging, exciting and informative. As the first free generation we lived through the transition. Unfortunately, we had to witness both the rise and fall of our own nation. The purpose of writing this article is to record our struggle to preserve Quaid’s and Iqbal’s Pakistan and finally pass on the mantle to the next generation. We are a link between the founding fathers and the future generations.

While the colonial establishment (babus, qazis, khakis) were in control at the time of partition, the politicians were trying to build national institutions. The first Islamic democracy of the world had teething problems but were overcome by valiant spirit of the founders. In 1951, Iran emerged as the second democratic state under Dr Mossadegh who then got rid of the Shah of Iran and nationalised oil resources. Liaqat Ali Khan, the founding Prime Minister (PM), was asked to intervene and support Western interests. Upon his refusal not only was he assassinated, but also the Iranian PM was toppled and imprisoned. Ayub Khan emerged on the scene and Babu Ghulam Mohammed managed to become the Governor General (GG). Together they played havoc with the democratic order. Despite several roadblocks, the first Constituent Assembly was able to formulate the 1956 consensus constitution. Elections were scheduled for October 1958 on the basis of East-West Pakistan population parity.

Qayyum Khan as the leader of Muslim League was leading a long march that was scheduled to arrive early October morning in 1958. At the age of five years, holding my father’s hand I stood on the Mall Road near the Kim’s Gun to welcome the marchers. My father, the Leaguer, was quite excited but the march never made it to Lahore. Ayub Khan imposed martial law, Qayyum sahib was arrested at Shahdara and lodged in the dungeons of the Lahore Fort. The Shahi torture of the Mughal era was too much for him and he decided to quit politics under an agreement with the general. On his release we went to see him. My father insisted that Khan sahib should not give in but with the inhuman treatment he got at the fort, he was unwilling to continue. I remember his words, ‘Malik sahib, no dignified individual can maintain his dignity after this experience’.

The situation gave birth to activism of another kind. The anti-democratic forces stood face to face against the comrades of democracy. The progressive writers’ movement also started with Habib Jalib being most vocal. First, it was struggle against the colonial rulers and then their leftovers. The rule of Brown sahib was ruthless. Loans, permits and plots were doled out to the favourites. Instead of nation, empire building started. In 1959 my uncle went on a hunger strike outside the Civil Secretariat in Lahore. His demands were: return of the khakis to the barracks, investigation into the murder of the first PM and an end to the intelligence harassment of the progressives. The government was in no mood to negotiate. On the fourteenth day of strike, his vital signs were diminishing and he was close to death. Finally, my father had to intervene to save his life. A fake negotiation was arranged with a retired babu and the strike was called off. His life was saved but the movement was stalled.

The first generation of Pakistan was too young at that time to take on the evil forces of the establishment. Ayub Khan ruled with an iron hand. The first major challenge came from Madr-e-Millat who decided to run against him in the presidential elections in 1964. Despite his thana controlled democracy, she won in Karachi with the help of the students. Then the 1965 war was grossly mishandled by the government. After the Tashkant Accord, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (ZAB), who was the foreign minister, revolted against the president. Student unrest started all over the country. In 1967, Bhutto sahib launched his Peoples Party at the YMCA Hall, Lahore. That day I was there for my table tennis practice but instead had the opportunity to stand face to face with one of the most brilliant politicians of the country.

In 1968, Ayub Khan decided to celebrate his decade of progress (1958-1968). It was the proverbial last straw as the nation was divided into haves and have-nots. I was still in school when brute force of the establishment was let loose on peaceful student demonstrations on the Mall. Across from the Lahore High Court (LHC) and right outside the school gate, Aftab Gul, an ex-school senior, and Sikandar Hayat, the son of the legendary Pakistan movement worker Shaukat Hayat, was badly beaten by the police and arrested. When we could take it no more, we decided to join the protest. We too had to face the lathi charge outside the GPO building but avoided arrest by running away to Nila Gumbad area where the shopkeepers came to our rescue.

Finally, the first khaki dictator was forced out by the relentless movement of the students. Like most usurpers he lacked courage to follow his own constitution and handed over power to the Army Chief who then announced elections to be held on the basis of one man one vote. The ballot in 1970 was free and fair because khakis desired it but there was no intent to hand over power to the elected representatives. As a result, Quaid’s Pakistan was dismembered. Ayub Khan was able to neutralise ex-PM Hussain Shaheed Suharwardy but his ordinary worker Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman prevailed over Yayha-led GHQ.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as the majority leader of West Pakistan was inducted as the President. He then succeeded in enacting the1973 Constitution by consensus. It was hoped that the elections in 1977 under the new framework would firmly establish democracy but rigging by a few electables shattered all dreams. Ziaul Haq, the third khaki usurper, took over and reversed all the democratic gains and like Ayub Khan created his own brand of Muslim League which is now known as PML-N. Between 1977 and 2013, ten manipulated elections and two fake referendums have shattered the democratic fabric of the nation. Despite all the setbacks, our activism for Quaid’s Pakistan remains undeterred.

Pervez Musharraf, the fourth khaki usurper, then created another brand of Muslim League called PML-Q. The activists kept their course and then opportunity came their way in March 2007. The dismissal of the Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) sparked a movement for the rule of law. Despite our grey hair, we marched against him. There were two brutal encounters with the police. One in Islamabad outside the CJP house and the other on Mall Road outside LHC building. Finally, the judges were restored and Musharraf had to resign.

We firmly believe in democracy and rule of law. Our struggle has been against the forces of status quo. First it was Ayub Khan and his PML (Convention), and then Zia and his PML-N and finally Musharraf and his PML-Q. Both PML-N and PML-Q originate from the same mother party, PML (Convention). While PML-Q is still linked with the old order, PML-N has created its own disorder by splitting the establishment by taking control of the babus and qazis leaving behind the khakis. Change through a free and fair ballot seems to be on no one’s agenda.

When Iqbal visited Masjid-e-Qurtaba he could hear the ‘Kamosh Azans’. For comrades it is time to visit the dungeons of Lahore Fort where the democratic order was brutalised to hear the painful “wails” of the prisoners starting from Qayyum Khan in 1958 down to my friend Comrade Pervaiz Saleh in 1985. Their struggle has to be recorded and reported for the movement to continue. Our mission for a democratic Pakistan remains unaccomplished till we are able to force another free and fair elections as we did in 1970. Establishment and its sponsored political parties have all failed. The will of the people must prevail as it happens in all democracies. The Russian roulette started by khakis under Ayub Khan must come to an end under an honest professional soldier Raheel Sharif. Khakis remain the only functional national institution; rest are in shambles. They can force an honest ballot and then return back to the barracks for their professional responsibilities, leaving the country in the safe hands of truly elected representatives. The activism will continue till “Naya Pakistan” is achieved and handed over to the next generation.