The army took the initiative in deciding to fight the TTP
There is a perception of change in some of the major policies of the government. Whether it is temporary shift necessitated by pragmatic requirements or a well thought out long term policy remains to be seen. The change has gradually made itself felt during the last two years.
The change is particularly visible in two spheres. First, in the attitude towards the extremist lobby in Pakistan represented by religious parties and clerics. In this case the government has seemingly abandoned the old policy of pandering to the lobby.
Secondly, in the attitude towards some of the terrorist outfits. The government appears to be changing its attitude towards Pakistan-based terrorist groups which have launched strikes in neighbouring countries with impunity for a long time.
The most recent defiance of the extremist lobby is the execution of Mumtaz Qadri. Had the government decided to bend before the religious parties’ pressure, it could have asked the president to accept the clemency appeal filed by Qadri’s family and saved his life. It decided instead to call the extremists’ bluff.
The other expression of the same defiance is the Protection of Women Against Violence Bill, which was prepared by the Punjab government. The bill was opposed by all the religious parties. Even a number of PML-N leaders disagreed with it considering it to be against the teachings of Islam. The PML-N government, however, got the bill through the Punjab Assembly showing its commitment to the cause. The government now plans to formulate a women’s rights policy to be unveiled on the eve of the International Women’s Day 2017.
A change of policy appears to be taking place vis-à-vis the terrorist groups which were considered to be assets and which enjoyed immunity for a long time.
Lashkar-e-Jhangvi had been attacking the Shi’a community for the last three decades. It had particularly wreaked havoc in Quetta. Since it had been useful in Afghanistan against the Northern Alliance there was a perception that it could again be needed after the departure of foreign troops. Presumably as the group developed ties with the IS, it was decided to go after it. The LeJ’s top leadership was killed in Punjab in a police encounter while two of its leaders were got expatriated from Dubai and later met the same fate.
Interestingly, the initiative for change in policy has come from the army. The government leaders have simply straggled along.
A little before the 2013 elections things were altogether different. The PML-N did not protest when the TTP declared the PPP, ANP and MQM as enemy parties and threatened to attack their candidates and supporters during the elections. The PML-N took pride when the TTP reposed its trust in the party.
The PML-N hoped to benefit from the plight of the three ‘secular’ parties which were required to contest elections while facing terrorist attacks.
After coming to power, the PML-N condemned terrorism only in general terms, while declining to name the group which conducted the attack even when it took responsibility for it publicly.
The army took the initiative in deciding to fight the TTP and other groups of terrorists. It announced the launching of operation Zarb-e-Azb after the Karachi airport attack. The PML-N leadership had so far wasted time in holding fruitless parleys with the terrorists.
For quite some time the military establishment was willing to fight only those Taliban who posed an urgent threat to Pakistan. Those playing possum were left untouched. This led to charges of cherry-picking. JuD was spared and allowed to work camouflaged as a welfare organisation. While most terrorists were ether killed or forced to leave North Waziristan, those conducting the operation looked the other way as the Haqqani network relocated its network to other agencies.
The attack on the Army Public School led to soul searching in the establishment, the government and the nation at large. The mounting army casualties in the fight against the terrorists also contributed to the shift in attitude towards militancy in the army rank and file. The NAP was indicative of the shift in the thinking of both the establishment and political parties.
The army took the initiative in deciding to fight out the TTP on account of continuing terrorist attacks on army personnel. The government was left with no option but town the operation Zarb-e-Azb when it was announced after the Karachi airport attack. The PML-N leadership had so far preferred to hold fruitless parleys with the terrorists who owned these attacks when it suited them and were in a total state of denial when they thought these did not.
For a long time however the establishment was willing to fight only those Taliban who posed an urgent threat to Pakistan. Those playing possum were left untouched. This led to charges of cherry-picking. Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) was spared and allowed to camouflage itself as a welfare organisation as this was useful against India. While common terrorists were ether killed or forced to leave North Waziristan the Haqqani network was allowed to relocate itself to other agencies.
The attack on the Army Public School turned out to be a watershed. The killing of so many children led to a wide spread soul searching and a gradual shift of attitude to terrorists. The mounting army casualties in the fight against the terrorists also caused widespread condemnation of the terrorists in the army rank and file. The NAP was indicative of the shift that had taken place in the thinking of both the establishment and political parties.
The Taliban had been able to conquer Kabul with the help of Pakistan. Once in power they refused to listen to Pakistan. Even now while their leadership was being hosted by Pakistan they were not being helpful in eliminating or expelling elements like Mullah Fazlullah from safe havens in Afghanistan. This raised the question whether the game was worth the candle.
This explains why Sartaj Aziz made the revelation, the first of its kind, about the presence of the Afghan Taliban leadership in Pakistan and how Pakistan intends to bring it to the negotiating table. Answering a question after his speech at the Council of Foreign Relations in Washington he said:
“We have some influence on them because their leadership is in Pakistan, and they get some medical facilities, their families are here. So we can use those levers to pressurise them to say: Come to the table… Now, Pakistan lever, as you said, what kind of hands (levers) we hold, one is freedom of movement. We already, before the 7th July meeting last year, we had to use some of these levers and restricted their movements, restricted their access to hospitals and other facilities, and threatened them that if you do not come forward and talk, then obviously we will at least expel you, because — or give you the chance to go wherever you want to, because we have hosted you enough for 35 years. We can’t do any more. It’s now — the whole world is blaming us just by your presence”.
Equally interesting are Ch Nisar’s remarks about JuD. We were told by Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan last week that the government is “in the process” of banning Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD), a charitable organisation that India (among others) cite as being a front for Lashkar-e-Taiba. This is the group that is accused of masterminding the 2008 attacks on Mumbai and has long been on India’s list of ‘most wanted’.
Taking on the Afghan Taliban or JuD is easier said than done. Unless one sees real action it would be premature to say whether the establishment is now willing to part company with them.
