A bull in a china shop?
The enigmatic security czar Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan in his signature pontification mode has declared that Pakistan winning otherwise is losing the physiological war to the terrorists. The Chaudhry from Chakri is the bête noire to the parliamentary opposition and vice versa.
He has never hidden his visceral hatred for the PPP. Being in the habit of talking down rather than talking to, Nisar is not a terribly popular figure even amongst the ruling PML-N.
According to the interior minister, the opposition buttressed by the media is spreading despondency and fear amongst the populace by its demoralising statements about the ostensible failure of the government’s counter terrorism policies. He claims that those who criticise the NAP (National Action Plan) have not even read it.
Actually like the glass being half full or half empty, Nisar is quite right in declaring that in sheer numbers terrorist incidents have markedly reduced since the military launched Zarb-e-Azb a little more than a year-and-a-half ago. But to claim that NAP is being implemented in letter and spirit, simply put, is a white lie.
Most of the credit for getting a handle on terrorism goes to the military leadership. This is not to undermine the sacrifices rendered by civilian LEAs (law enforcement agencies) under the enabling environment provided by the civilian leadership. But all this would not have been possible if the military had not changed its previous mindset and forced the hand of the political spectrum to change as well.
Public memory is not so short to forget the lament of Nisar Ali Khan when in November 2013 Taliban leader Hakimullah Mehsud was killed in a drone attack. At that juncture the interior minister, like rest of the PML-N, was the biggest champion of talking to the terrorists.
It seems that the interior minister is much obsessed with nurturing his bloated ego that somehow it does not even matter to him how it impacts upon doing his job as a member of the Sharif cabinet
The launch of a consensual National Action Plan, post attack on Army Public School in December 2014, should have been a wake-up call for all. The Plan however remains largely unimplemented. The interior minister, the self styled expert in counterterrorism, however does not brook any criticism about the government’s inability in creating conditions to combat terrorism.
He refuses to admit that the federal government and the provinces on one hand and the military on the other are not entirely on the same page regarding NAP’s application in letter and spirit. A few weeks ago even the military leadership in a press release issued after a corps commanders meeting expressed it reservations about tardiness of the government in implementing of some of the key components of the Plan.
One of the bedrock of the (NAP) was revival of the National Counter Terrorism Authority (NACTA). Unfortunately even after a lapse of more than a year the so called Authority, strapped for funds, remains still-born. Apparently there is a turf war regarding who will be its boss.
While the prime minister’s secretariat wants it under the prime minister, Nisar thinks it is his domain. And obviously the biggest stakeholder in counter and anti-terrorism efforts, the military, will also not let go. So much for the State providing an umbrella for a seamless counter-terrorism policy.
Under the Plan banned outfits were not to be allowed to operate under different names and financial sources of terrorists and terrorist organisation were to be cut. Little or no progress has been made on this count.
After the Pathankot incident a few weeks back, there has been a clampdown on JeM (Jaish-e-Mohammed). But scores of such organisations are operating with impunity. Maulana Abdul Aziz of Lal Masjid, despite his defiant demeanour and warrants for his arrest, is a free man. After release of his recent video implicating the ISI, theoretically speaking, the only place for him is behind bars.
When the opposition complains about being lied to, the interior minister resents it. He thinks that the government should not be criticised on the basis of incidents like the dastardly attack on Bacha Khan University as it spreads despondency.
In this context he has even opposed the closure of schools and some universities on the basis of inadequate security. Only a facile mindset can ignore threats made by the terrorist outfits in order to continue to wrongly claim that the psychological war against terrorism has been won.
Notwithstanding the hectoring, one of the stated aims of NAP was to destroy the communication systems of terrorist organisations. Had it been so, the terrorists command control system in Afghanistan would not have worked to make incidents like the attack on Bacha Khan University possible.
Similarly under the Plan measures were to be taken to stop religious extremism and to protect minorities. Virtually nothing has been done on this count. Resultantly minorities are sitting ducks, entirely at the mercy of sectarian outfits.
Perhaps the leader of the opposition went too far branding Nisar as, “asteen ka saanp” (fifth column), but nonetheless it does not help the cause of the government by harking back to the confrontational politics of the nineties
Under NAP, special efforts were to be made to clean up the south of Punjab of terrorists. The Punjab government somehow feels it does not need the helping hand of the Rangers as it can do the job on its own.
Leader of the opposition in the National Assembly Syed Khurshid Shah has reacted strongly to Nisar’s most recent diatribe. Does this mean that the honeymoon between the PML-N and the PPP is officially dead and buried?
Nisar has echoed what the PTI has been saying all along: ‘muk muka’ (collusion) between ruling party and the PPP opposition. It seems that the interior minister is so obsessed with nurturing his bloated ego that somehow it does not even matter to him how it impacts upon doing his job as a member of the Sharif cabinet.
Without the cooperation of the provinces and the parliamentary opposition some of the basic components of an effective counterterrorism strategy will remain largely unimplemented. The PPP controls Sindh and still is the largest opposition party at the federal level. The ruling party lacks a majority in the Upper House. These are the stark realities of our prevalent political landscape.
In this context without a consensual concord it will be virtually impossible for the government to implement it’s anti terrorism and economic agenda. Perhaps the leader of the opposition went too far branding Nisar as, “asteen ka saanp” (fifth column), but nonetheless it does not help the cause of the government by harking back to the confrontational politics of the nineties.
Perhaps Nisar Ali Khan after the military chief’s refusal to accept an extension in his term for the sake of the institution he heads should take a cue from him. If for nothing else, in order for the democratic system to flourish, he should put up or shut up.
The prime minister is back from his extended visit to Europe. Instead of pretending to be above the fray he should, for a change, seen to be a hands-on leader.
He should admonish his interior minister to adhere to the sacrosanct principle of collective responsibility in a parliamentary system and stop behaving like the proverbial bull in a china shop.
It is another matter, however, if Sharif now in the latter part of his term wants to pursue confrontational politics. Judging from the restraint generally shown by other members of his cabinet, this however does not seem to be the case.