Nobody can give a deadline on the war on terror
Strangely, the Charsadda attack did not dent the government’s optimism regarding the fight against terror. Just two days later the prime minister boasted a triumph over terrorism before world leaders at Davos. “We have broken the terrorists’ backbone”, he declared. And the ISPR did what it always does; vowed not to let ‘such acts of terror’ deter us from the fight, and promised, once again, that the fight would be fought till the last terrorist.
But what about loud promises of ‘never again’ after APS? Why no admission of shame and guilt? Why no fixing of responsibility? Why still no commitment on finally following through on NAP?
It’s not as if Charsadda was an out-of-the-blue attack. Just the day before Jamrud was hit, and the day before, Quetta. And talk of an attack on a school or college had been doing the round across KP for a good couple of days; so much so that parents took their children out of school half-way through the day on one occasion.
Yet the Bacha Khan University attack came and went, and it’s back to business as usual rather quickly this time. Only recently the army chief promised that 2016 would be the year that terrorists would finally be wiped out. But the trend of the new year, so far, tells a different story.
This week DNA talked exclusively to noted journalist/analyst Ahmed Rashid – expert on Pakistan, Afghanistan, Taliban, etc – to understand the situation a little better.
“First of all it’s very misleading to call a deadline on a war against terror”, he began. “Such wars never really end. No other leader in the world has ever made such a claim. Look at the British experience in Ireland, for example, or successive wars against al Qaeda”.
It’s not as if Charsadda was an out-of-the-blue attack. Just the day before Jamrud was hit, and the day before, Quetta. And talk of an attack on a school or college had been doing the round across KP for a good couple of days
It’s even more deceptive in circumstances like ours, he explained. The government’s lethargy with regard to NAP is no secret. It has repeatedly been grilled in the media and the House alike, but to no avail.
Some people thought it would be embarrassed at the APS anniversary – for not having moved on NAP despite all those promises that grim December evening – yet there was nothing.
“This is very wrong. We still have all the faults outlined in NAP”, he added. “More than 50 percent of the Plan has not been implemented”.
Objective in doubt
Yet the government is more satisfied with its performance than most Pakistanis. But now, according to Rashid, politicians will have to answer questions, regarding NAP, that have piled over more than a year.
The situation has become precarious, he pointed out. Since, obviously, very little has been done regarding the Plan, there is danger of the main objective being “thrown into doubt”. And, while there have been military successes, NAP was meant specifically to move on from the Operation in the tribal area.
“Also, this was part of a series of attacks, there were three bombings in three days”, he said, referring to Jamrud and Quetta that closely preceded Charsadda. Now questions are bound to arise about claims of neutralising militants and destroying their safe havens, since attacks seem to mount.
That, of course, will touch sensitive lines. The military has been seen as taking the lead in Zarb-e-Azb since the Operation was launched. The government wanted more time for talks, but the army apparently put its foot down after the Karachi airport attack and the government had no option but falling in line; so goes the popular narrative.
Now, a year after the ‘never again’ promises following APS, with another attack on an educational institute, won’t the military’s perceived authority take a hit?
“People like me have always said that the military alone can never defeat the Taliban”, he replied.
“It will need the participation of the whole country. And it will take an able and committed leadership to inspire the people, which we lack”.
Other matters
The BKU attack came at the heels of the prime minister and army chief’s much publicised ‘mediation tour’ of Saudi Arabia and Iran. And there was backlash, naturally – especially on social media – that the leaders were busy putting feathers in their own caps on an international tour while the back yard was on fire.
But Rashid does not agree with the popular wave of criticism.
“I think the main objective there was to maintain good relations with both countries without committing to either”, he said.
He agreed that there was no other agenda really, and nobody expected Pakistan’s prime minister and army chief to engineer a quick thaw between Riyadh and Tehran in the present setting. This way we have avoided getting too close to Saudi and also made Iran happy.
He agreed that there was no other agenda really, and nobody expected Pakistan’s prime minister and army chief to engineer a quick thaw between Riyadh and Tehran in the present setting. This way we have avoided getting too close to Saudi and also made Iran happy
“I feel it was a smart move”, he added. “In fact, they should have gone to Iran sooner, at the time of the Yemen debate in parliament, for example”.
But it’s not surprising, in his opinion, that Pakistan is behind the curve on important diplomatic initiatives. There is still no foreign minister, and hence still little direction in the foreign office and ministry.
What now?
But, again, while the leadership is active internationally, much remains to be done at home. As the predominantly military component of Zarb-e-Azb comes full circle in the tribal area, and the Operation prepares to move down to urban areas, attention will naturally turn to those lashkars and jaishes, long favoured by elements in the state and housed predominantly in South Punjab, who have so far escaped the Operation altogether.
Will the government, or the military, finally do something about them?
“That is the hundred million dollar question”, he snapped, adding that “unless you move against these outfits there will be no end to the war”.
And it is no longer just the south of Punjab that is the problem, he quickly added.
“It is all over Punjab now; it’s in Lahore, Muridke, etc. It’s no longer the case that just Pashtun boys are being pushed towards militancy, Punjabis now make up a large number of the Taliban and their associates”, he pointed out.
These, according to him, are the visible trends of 2016 so far, and a lot needs to be done before talk of eliminating terrorists “of all hues and colours” can become reality.
