Must come to an end
The chilling executions of Salahuddin Quader Chowdhury and Ahsan Mohammad Mujahid on 22 November after highly questionable court trials sparked widespread condemnation. Both were accused of committing wartime atrocities during the 1971 war between Pakistan and India.
In spite of mounting international pressure, appeals for clemency went unheeded by Bangladesh’s government led by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in what was widely viewed as a politically motivated trial devoid of transparency and due process. Bangladesh’s opposition parties, the Bangladesh National Party (BNP) BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, strongly denounced the executions. Civil unrest erupted in Dhaka as people took to the streets in protest against the government’s decision.
Clamouring for justice, human rights groups vociferously argued that Bangladesh’s war tribunal failed to meet international standards. Human Rights Watch maintained that the trials were prejudiced in favour of the prosecution and replete with procedural irregularities. In the case of 66-year-old Chowdhury, witnesses who confirmed the validity of his alibi beyond reasonable doubt were not permitted to give evidence.
Former US Ambassador at Large for Global Justice Stephen Rapp powerfully argued against these executions and urged the government to commute the death sentences, highlighting fundamental flaws in the judicial process, “It is particularly disturbing that Chowdhury was denied the right to call alibi witnesses, including a former US Ambassador during the Clinton administration, to provide testimony that he was not present in Bangladesh at the time the alleged crimes were committed.”
Speaking out against these executions, Pakistan’s Foreign Office Spokesman Qazi Khalilullah stated, “We have noted with deep concern and anguish the unfortunate executions of the Bangladesh National Party Leader, Mr Salahuddin Quader Chowdhury and Mr Ali Ahsan Mujahid.”
A prominent member of the country’s opposition party, the BNP headed by Khaleda Zia, Saluahuddin Quader Chowdhury is remembered not only for his brilliance as a politician but also as a kind and loyal friend. His childhood friend Rehmat Karim Fazli describes him as “a bold politician who was prime minister material”. Chowdhury’s father Fazlul Quader Chowdhury was a former speaker of Pakistan and served as acting president several times.
This travesty of justice is a striking instance of how in the apparent pursuit of justice, convenient scapegoats can become the hapless victims of dangerous political intrigue.
A time of intense upheaval, the brutality of the 1971 war must never be forgotten, the full extent of the violence and devastation must be brought to light and war criminals brought to justice.
However, farcical trials with a singular agenda of exacting revenge and political point scoring will do nothing to bring redress to the victims of violence. On the contrary, the pain, anger and injustice will only be amplified, perpetuating the subcontinent’s baleful legacy of destructive hostility.
Pakistan’s role in the 1971 conflict drew trenchant criticism from the country’s press and civil society of the day including leading journalist Altaf Gauhar. His bold excoriation of General Yahya Khan’s military action led to his imprisonment in solitary confinement for over two months.
Moving forward, renowned academic Yasmin Saikia eloquently stresses the need for introspection, soul searching, repentance, “Survivors of 1971 in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, however, cannot forget the memories of the loss of humanity, or insāniyat/manabikata that they recall. For them the loss of their humanity in violence is the most unforgettable outcome of the war of 1971, and they struggle to reassemble a sense of their human selves in slow and careful reflections. To reconvene their human identity and become wholesome again survivors, particularly perpetrators, men who committed incredible violence against vulnerable groups of women, children, and the old and infirm, emphasize the need to do tauba or repent for their crimes.”
The 1971 conflict led to the secession of East Pakistan and the emergence of independent Bangladesh. In 1974 a tripartite agreement between Pakistan, India and Bangladesh was concluded under which it was agreed to put an end to the conflict and confrontation and work towards the establishment of a durable peace in the subcontinent. The agreement also provided for the settlement of “their differences by peaceful means through bilateral negotiations or by any other peaceful means mutually agreed upon”.
A dark chapter in the history of the subcontinent, the scars of 1971 run deep. For the sake of South Asia’s future, the spirit of this agreement must be upheld by all three countries, capitalising on the strength brought about by unity rather than searing new divisions.
At a time of ongoing hostility in the region and routine breakdowns in relations, the words of Bangladesh’s great mystic poet Lalon Fakir hold a profound resonance, “People of the world, O brother, talk of marks and signs, but Lalon says: I have only dissolved the raft of signs, the marks of caste in the deluge of the One!”
The politics of revenge must come to an end; humanity, compassion and forgiveness must be the way forward to ensure a peaceful and prosperous South Asia.
Thanks for the optimism expressed in this article. I would like to draw attention to some of the misinformations here. Civil unrest did not erupt in Dhaka. Only Jamaat-e-Islami called for a Hartal which was peaceful.
The article ignores the plights of the families of hundreds of thousands of people who have died in 1971 – who are eagerly waiting for the trial of those who killed their loved ones. I won't comment on the trial, which has been going on for over four years where all the charges and evidences were discussed. Interested readers can google on the proceeding of the evidences. I wouldn't call the verdict death penalty as execution – because legally that is the highest punishment according to the law in the Bangladesh and there are many more death penalties awarded for domestic crimes which are never mentioned. Under trial are many more Bangladeshis accused of war crimes who aided the Pakistani forces in their acts of genocide- who are non-partisan or from different parties, not only one or two parties are targeted and these people are well known inside the country for their crimes.
Since the writer mentioned the tri-patriate agreement, it states that Bangladesh will not pursue the trial the 195 prisoners of war and repatriate them to Pakistan along with the other 90000 prisoners of war provided Pakistan will held them to account subjected to the due process of Pakistan law.
If we talk about politics of revenge Bangladesh should have accused Pakistan for violated the agreement in letting the 195 prisoners of war go without any trial and are telling to forgive and forget one of the worst genocide of the history of mankind. But so far Bangladesh has not commented on Pakistan's internal matters like Pakistan is doing on Bangladesh's internal trials.
The politics of revenge must come to an end – that comes with acceptance of the crime that happened and going to the victims family to say sorry and the perpetrators will be tried for justice. Can you forgive the killers of our father/mother/brother, rapist of your sister – when they tell you the crime has not happened?
How would you respond if a similar article were written about APS massacre last year? What happened in Bangla Desh was a magnified version of what Pakistan experienced, and perpetrated by the state machinery.
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