But important lessons to be learnt
The Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) has only been marginally happy with the first phase of local body elections in Punjab and Sindh. The turnout was something to write home about, but problems with the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) persisted, as did those stemming from incompetent Returning Officers. Plus there was just more than the odd instance of violence, in both provinces.
These elections were particularly important. That they happened after political parties practically bent over backwards to stall them forever is just one aspect. More importantly, they have come at a very crucial time. In Punjab, PML-N has done a good job of consolidating at many levels, but it is still hounded by PTI. And though the ruling party seems to be holding fine for now, this situation stands to amplify considerably as the next big elections comes near.
In Sindh, too, the incumbency factor has prevailed. Having been all but written off of the main political scene for the moment – except in Sindh, of course – PPP has made its presence felt at the grassroots. Then there is the aspect of independents scoring so unusually high. Perhaps it reflects a general revulsion towards political parties that make tall promises but deliver precious little. Or maybe it is just another indication that local body elections are a far removed reality from general elections. Here tribal affiliations matter more than party concerns, and local sensitivities shape the political discourse for the most part.
FAFEN, naturally, wants to be the next phase to be free of the faults of the first one, which is why working on the ECP is more important than anything else.
To explain the up and down side of these developments, DNA talked exclusively to FAFEN Head of Programmes, Muddassir Rizvi.
Question: How do you see the recent LG election held in Punjab? Do you see any credence in claims of PTI, PPP and many independent candidates about massive vote fraud in Punjab’s 12 districts?
Muddassir Rizvi: First of all let me appreciate the fact that an impressive number of people turned out to vote in the first phase of the local government election in Punjab held in 12 districts. However, we have to keep the scale of these elections in mind. In general elections, there are only 849 contests for national and provincial assembly seats across Pakistan, and the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) is unable to enforce electoral laws and rules even on this small scale. Understandably, ECP was unable to enforce the electoral laws and rules in LG elections as well when elections were held in 9,468 wards of 1,578 union councils and 1,118 wards of 60 Municipal Committees of 12 districts in the first phase. More than 20,000 candidates were in the run. While relatively peaceful, we saw an extremely weak grip of ECP on enforcement.
I concur with claims of irregularities by political parties on the Election Day. There were many irregularities that were observed, some of serious nature as well. For example, there have been polling stations where the polling schemes and the voter lists had different number of voters. Similarly, there have been instances where voters’ right to secret ballot was clearly compromised with people going with them behind the secrecy screen. One of the most pronounced irregularities on the Election Day was the barrier on FAFEN’s observation of both voting and the counting processes at the polling stations despite issuance of accreditation by the ECP. Earlier, FAFEN’s observation was also curtailed due to arbitrary issuance of accreditation cards by District Returning Officers who provided these cards to only 757 observers against permission for 1,013 by the ECP. Our detailed report which will be consolidated after all phases of elections will give a more authoritative comment on the quality of elections.
However, it’s never too late. ECP now has the responsibility to act more responsibly than it did after GE 2013. All complaints and allegations by political parties must be investigated and taken to a logical conclusion rather than being denied. ECP is the custodian of the integrity of electoral processes and it must invest in improving its credibility as being a neutral umpire.
Q: Do you think that the local government in Punjab would be able to deliver to the public at the grassroot level or still the MNAs, MPAs would be calling all the shots vis-à-vis development projects?
MR: I see a lot of cosmeticism with the Punjab Local Government Act, 2013. The local governments in Punjab are being established in pursuance of Article 140A of the Constitution, which requires the provinces to legislate to establish a local government system and devolve political, administrative and financial responsibility and authority to the elected representatives of the local governments. Although it introduces several levels of local governments including union councils, municipal committees, municipal corporations and Metropolitan Corporation as well as district level authorities for education and health, the law has not devolved any administrative office to the district level, vitiating the spirit of the Article 140A of the constitution.
However, despite abysmally cosmetic powers developed to the local governments, I still see it a step forward that augurs well for democratisation. While people have access to locally elected representatives, it is also provides an opportunity for political parties to organise themselves at the grassroot level. The fact that a significant number of independent candidates returned in these elections is also an indication of weak political organisation. This is time political parties connect with people and let a new leadership emerge from the grassroots.
We do see frictions among the local representatives and MNAs and MPAs, just as we saw between 2001 and 2009 during the Musharraf regime. Unless the domains of work of legislators and local representatives are clearly defined, there will continue to be turf wars. We at FAFEN believe that legislators should focus on their primary function of legislation and government oversight and leave the local level development to the local representatives. There may be mechanisms developed where legislators and local level representatives work together on district development plans to avoid frictions, which for now appears inherent to the way system is designed.
Q: How about elections in Sindh? Did FAFEN notice any major irregularity in polls in across the province?
MR: Although relatively better organised, the local government elections were not free from procedural irregularities and no different than those in Punjab. The fact that these elections were held in phases makes them relatively better in quality as compared to KPK where these were held in one day. We saw chaos.
In addition, the incidents of restrictions on FAFEN observers for the observation of the voting process as well as counting of votes raised questions about the transparency of the process. FAFEN’s findings reveal that observers were barred from observation at 11 (8.2 percent) out of 134 polling stations and from observation of counting process at another seven (5.2 percent) polling stations from where the information could be acquired on Election Day.
Additionally, there were seven (5.2 percent) polling stations which did not open at the scheduled official time and as many polling stations where secrecy of ballot was breached. There were nine (6.7 percent) polling stations where parties and candidates were seen canvassing inside the premises. There were five (3.7 percent) polling stations where polling was interrupted due to different reasons, while at four (2.9 percent) polling stations, voters complained against last minute change in their polling station. At another three (2.2 percent) polling stations, observers reported that the required election material was not available on time.
The scale of local government election in Sindh, however, was unprecedented as elections took place for two municipal corporations, 14 municipal committees, 46 union committees, 426 union councils and 385 wards in 54 town committees. The voters voted directly for three candidates; general councillor, member of district council from union council and member of ward in town committee and municipal committee, plus joint candidates for chairmen and vice chairmen of union councils. Members on reserved seats for women, peasant/workers, minorities and youth will be filled through indirect election by directly elected members of union councils. A total of 1,801 contestants competed in Sindh to get elected on seats for members of district council. Another 6,004 candidates contested to get elected as general members of the union council. In addition, 1,113 candidates ran for the seat of general member of union committees; 2,173 for member of municipal committees and 2,506 for the town committees.
