And how we can take advantage of it
The spectacular power amassed by China was keenly palpable during President Xi Jinping’s recently concluded visit to the United Kingdom.
Inspite of trenchant criticism of China’s political system and human rights record in the UK media, Prime Minster David Cameron’s charm offensive for the leader of the world’s second largest economy is a powerful indicator of Britain’s interest in strengthening relations with China. Moreover, it represents a stunning recalibration of power in a relationship which once saw China ravaged by British imperial power.
China’s rise to the top has been arduous. The country’s searing history of humiliation as a result of sustained and ruthless colonial exploitation left the country impoverished. The Opium Wars (1839-1842 and 1856-1860) led to the dismemberment of the country’s Canton Trade Laws, the signing of the Unequal Treaties and the country’s financial ruin.
Before the ominous arrival of opium through the British East India Company, China was economically flourishing. By the 1790s, China had built up huge reserves of Western European silver through the export of its tea, highly prized porcelain and silks for which there was an insatiable demand in Britain and Western Europe. With its booming exports, China was probably the richest country in the world in the 18th century. Since China imported little from the West, the dangerous trade deficit with China caused much alarm in Europe.
Determined to address this trade imbalance, the East India Company began supplying opium harvested in India to China. This gave Britain complete control over imports to China. But by 1833, the East India Company’s monopoly on trade expired and merchants from around the world converged on China to supply opium. China’s vast reserves of silver began to deplete rapidly as millions became addicted to the drug. During the first decade of the 19th century, China had enjoyed a trade surplus of 26 million Spanish dollars but between 1828 and 1836, this surplus had become a deficit of 38 million.
After the confiscation of opium by Chinese authorities and a halt in trade, Britain declared war on China. In 1842 China was forced to sign the Treaty of Nanking or the Unequal Treaty. Once again in 1858, British, French, Russian and American troops overpowered Chinese forces at Tientsin which led to the signing of yet another Unequal Treaty. The treaty legalised the opium trade in China and allowed Britain, France, Russia and the United States to set up diplomatic residences in Beijing. Poverty and deprivation engendered through war and economic imperialism devastated the country.
However, after generations of unparalleled leadership, most notably by the transformative statesman Deng Xiaoping, China was set on the path of progress. Credited with lifting the greatest amount of people out of poverty in the shortest period of time, succeeding Chinese leadership has always sought to emulate his example.
No stranger to adversity, Xi Jinping spent much of his youth facing poverty and hardship, experiences which have undoubtedly contributed to his effective leadership and exceptional political acumen.
China’s unprecedented ascent as a major world player represents a remarkable resurgence for a country once blighted by Britain’s imperial yoke. Beijing’s challenge of Washington’s long-standing primacy was clearly evidenced in the UK’s decision to become a member of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) – a move opposed by the United States, viewing the multilateral as a rival to the IMF. Although Britain has always unflinchingly aligned itself to US strategic interests, membership to the AIIB was deemed too important to forego.
The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is yet another symbol of China’s formidable geopolitical clout. Founded in 2001, the SCO is expected to emerge as a counterweight to NATO and a powerful platform for regional security. Elaborating on the purpose of the SCO, President Xi Jinping once explained, “It is for the people of Asia to run the affairs of Asia, solve the problems of Asia, and uphold the security of Asia.”
Like China, Pakistan too shares a history of unrelenting colonial subjugation. However, unlike China, post-independent Pakistan has singularly failed to cast off the imperial burden as national interest is consistently trumped by overarching foreign agendas. An important strategic ally of China, Pakistan must draw lessons from the Chinese experience to craft a political and economic strategy predicated on the welfare of its people.
