Yemen in the Pakistani parliament

Really, nobody noticed the oddity?

What a storm Yemen has stirred. It’s got Saudi Arabia, and Gulf mini monarchies, worried enough to go to war, Sisi to commit troops, Erdoğan vexed enough to listen to the Iranians, and Nawaz in such a bind that he had to call a joint session of parliament. That’s quite a novelty. One reason is that other concerned states either don’t have parliaments or they don’t matter. Another is that Yemen has suddenly, and surprisingly, become the manifestation of the many, many changes sweeping the Middle East.

But don’t count on the debate in parliament to make things any clearer. Nor the media frenzy, for that matter. It’s true that the opportunity cost of indulging in another outside war is simply too high for Pakistan, and lessons should have been learnt from the Afghan war, and so on. But the Yemen war is a symptom of a disease that has spread far too deep in the Middle East, and the only thing Pakistan’s presence can do is ensuring its virus is carried back home also.

But first, why do they need us anyway? Check any international arms expo and you’ll find the Saudis, and their Gulf allies, among the top arms importers. Which, of course, means that they spend endlessly on their militaries. And the biggest threat is not Israel – neither wants to disturb the status quo – it is Iran. Their spending has increased with Iran’s regional influence; since the fall of Taliban and Saddam regimes eased two of its crucial borders. But when allegedly Iran-back proxies unseat the Gulf puppet in Yemen, why do they need a coalition of Sunni militaries for something they feel they need to put right in their back yard? That’s where our politicians and media pundits drew a blank.

Sisi’s been flushed with billions, not the least because the Saudis liked the military all those decades Mubarak was around, then hated the Ikhwan, and were only too happy when Sisi sent Morsi to jail. And N’s love for Khadim-e-Haramain Sharifain is, of course, legend

It doesn’t help Riyadh that half the Saudi army is of Yemeni origin, just like the regime’s one-time notorious protégé Osama bin Laden was. And they might not exactly be of the Houthi mould, but even the al Saud understand that sending them marching back home, especially after repeatedly bombing bomb shelters and civilian neighbourhoods, might be gambling too much. Hence the phone calls to Cairo and Islamabad to cash in old cheques, literally. Sisi’s been flushed with billions, not the least because the Saudis liked the military all those decades Mubarak was around, then hated the Ikhwan, and were only too happy when Sisi sent Morsi to jail. And N’s love for Khadim-e-Haramain Sharifain is, of course, legend. Go back a little in time and Riyadh parking a billion and a half in state bank’s vaults to prop up the rupee, Salman greeting N at the tarmac, etc, make a lot more sense.

Then there’s Iran. The ayatollahs have clearly impressed the Americans; if not by their flexibility in negotiations then definitely by their ability to conduct multiple proxy wars even when they’re choked with sanctions and their currency has been falling since forever. They, along with Hezbollah, blunted al-Nusra advances in Syria. And they are playing a crucial role in reining in Da’ish in Iraq. And the Americans realise this. That is why Israel and Saudi are suddenly closer while both distancing themselves from the US, and Obama publically rebuking not only Netanyahu, but also “our Sunni Muslim allies” who, according to the American president, face bigger problems than Iran, particularly a disgruntled population at home.

And, of course, since Iran is gaining in Syria and Iraq, and now allegedly gaining momentum in Yemen – where the Saudis can bomb but not invade on their own – Riyadh is turning to friends. And its demands were pretty specific. Planes, soldiers, ships, special forces, bombs and bullets. Some of our smarter media pundits suggested an easy way out. Pakistan should offer guarding Saudi borders – where there’s no fighting – and holy places – which they didn’t ask for – and that’ll be that. Sure, that’s why they asked us to practically run the war, so we could wriggle out with borders and Mecca-Medina. And the majority said we should simply offer to mediate. Again, that’s why the Saudi-Iran proxy rivalry has expanded to five countries, taken close to a million lives, is increasingly looking like a fight to the end, so good Nawaz Sharif could sit them down to shake hands and be friends again.

Since Iran is gaining in Syria and Iraq, and now allegedly gaining momentum in Yemen – where the Saudis can bomb but not invade on their own – Riyadh is turning to friends

All this came crashing down on N along with the phone call from Riyadh, though whether or not he realised it is another matter. If anything the government, at least initially, was rather keen to attach the Saudi war with security of the holy places. And while the joint session took care of that spin, it blitzed right past other important issues. The new situation with Iran, for example. Its thaw with the west will roll back sanctions; which means the Iran-Pakistan pipeline will be back on the table. But with the government more interested in lobbying favour for a war in Yemen at Saudi behest, Tehran might not be too interested.

Also, nobody found it strange that Yemen went all the way to parliament. That’s not a place defender of democracy Nawaz Sharif visits too often. And it’s not just that Yemen caused only the second joint session of this government – the first coming, of course, when the dharnas robbed N of his sleep. It caused multiple ripples. It got PTI back to the Assembly, and all the drama that followed. It also exposed widening cleavages in PPP. Zardari supported the Saudi request, but Aitzaz Ahsan and Farhatullah Babar took an aggressive contrary view. And then Zardari sb had to talk about black sheep in the party, in addition to an Islamic conference on Yemen.

And, needless to say, it made for quite a joint session. Sadly, though, the PM has not presided over sessions that discussed Pakistani problems. At least not those that didn’t concern the N-league’s own survival. What about our own war, and how NAP never made it beyond headlines? Everybody understood the urgency about Yemen, but nobody noticed the oddity in parliament.