The quest for ‘Naya’ Pakistan

Moving back from military dictatorship to political leadership?

Ever since Pakistan came into being, we have been trying to find a ‘naya’ (new) Pakistan. Shortly, after four years of its existence, when Liaquat Ali Khan the first prime minister was murdered on October 16, 1951, the decision makers of our homeland came up with a unique formula of giving the strings of power in the hands of bureaucracy. It wasn’t established till then that the political leadership, the one that had created the new country, had failed. But still on October 17, 1951, the then Governor General of Pakistan, Sir Khawaja Nazimuddin, was “demoted” to the position of prime minister only to be sacked one and a half years later by the new Governor General, Malik Ghulam Muhammad, who was a bureaucrat.

The next five and a half years before the first martial law was declared, to create a ‘naya’ Pakistan, saw five people tried as prime ministers only to finish the remains of their individual political life and hence wiping out the existing political leadership of the country. Historians and intellectuals would claim that one cannot find any practical or logical reason for the declaration of the first martial law in October 1958 other than the fact that we wanted a ‘naya’ Pakistan, where political activity was banned. So a little after nine years of coming into existence, through a political movement, political activity was banned to seek greener pastures. We moved from constitution to martial law, from political leadership to military dictators, only to find a ‘naya’ Pakistan.

The democracy of the nineties was again about finding a ‘naya’ Pakistan where none of the “evils” of the previous versions could be found. Point scoring and political mileage soon found mega projects of development surfacing in the ‘naya’ Pakistan

Then, in the early sixties, this country saw immense industrial growth. Yes it was under a military dictator, but Pakistan was surely becoming a force to reckon, not only in the region but on the larger canvas as well. During the 1965 war against India, the patriotism in the nation was very evident. The people of Pakistan took great pride in its army and in the commanders of its army. President Ayub Khan even gave this country the constitution of 1960, after bringing down the constitution of 1956, to avoid any talk of him being at the top of affairs illegally. Everything was falling in place before, and out of nowhere we needed ‘naya’ Pakistan again. Without going into reasons, it became impossible for President Ayub Khan to continue to “rule” this country. A crop of new political leadership had been sowed and it was time for us to reap its benefits. Hence came the 1970 elections. We were now moving back from military dictatorship to political leadership. This, followed by the 1971 war against India, resulted in a ‘naya’ Pakistan where the army and its commanders had lost their respect.

The seventies then saw a lot of changes. We saw nationalisation, an inclination towards Russia (communism), the country’s atomic program, the Islamic Summit and the constitution of 1973, to mention a few. All of these were definitely creating a ‘naya’ Pakistan, very different from anything that we had seen before. This new Pakistan was even given a new official name, Islamic Republic of Pakistan (according to the constitution of 1973), which is kept to-date for reasons well known. But as usual, in less than a decade, we were yet again looking for another ‘naya’ Pakistan. The 1977 elections resulted in a takeover by the military dictatorship. The prime minister of the previous Pakistan was hanged and we changed directions completely to become the most active ally of America in the cold war against Russia. This ‘naya’ Pakistan had a ban on females appearing on TV without covering the heads. Militants became an asset for our country. Politics moved from party-based to money-based. Once again, during the military dictatorship, new political leaders were grown and handpicked to replace the ones from the previous Pakistan. Just when the nation started acclimatising with this ‘naya’ Pakistan, our quest for an even newer Pakistan started. And we landed in the “democracy” of the nineties.

The democracy of the nineties was again about finding a ‘naya’ Pakistan where none of the “evils” of the previous versions could be found. Point scoring and political mileage soon found mega projects of development surfacing in the ‘naya’ Pakistan. Relations with the neighbours were improving. This ‘naya’ Pakistan was world champion of four sports in the mid-nineties. The icing on the cake of this ‘naya’ Pakistan was becoming the world’s seventh atomic power. We were about to take the test of being financially self sufficient in this tenure, when once again ‘naya’ Pakistan became the need of the hour. A military dictator once again took over the reins.

The ‘naya’ Pakistan at the turn of the century had a motto of “sab say pehlay Pakistan” (first comes Pakistan). Most of the people are still unaware of the meaning (not the literal) or implications of this motto. Re-arrangement of previous political affiliations resulted in a completely new political scenario in the country. Our international relations also took new levels. The amount of cars on the roads of this ‘naya’ Pakistan increased manifold. We developed a vision of moving away from textiles, which was and probably still is, the biggest industry of Pakistan, to develop some “other” sector in ‘naya’ Pakistan. Unlike the previous military dictator of the eighties, the military dictator of this Pakistan had no problems with female representation in cultural shows. A flourishing media industry, national accountability and making the supreme judicial council functional were other features of this ‘naya’ Pakistan. But the nation by now had developed the habit of looking for a ‘naya’ Pakistan every 10 years or so.

Since the 2008 elections, we have seen one political government completing its term of five years. This short time-period has seen a lot of changes in itself

Since the 2008 elections, we have seen one political government completing its term of five years. This short time-period has seen a lot of changes in itself. The president of the country himself submitting to the constitution and surrendering the right of dissolving legislative assemblies and governments. Developing and implementing a mechanism of setting up interim governments and election commissions with mutual consent of political parties. Interestingly, we are once again finding ourselves at a junction of crossing over to a ‘naya’ Pakistan. A segment of the society is convinced that we need change. This segment is also convinced on the agents of change and is supporting them unconditionally for a ‘naya’ Pakistan.

In the 67 years of independence, we have tried to find a ‘naya’ Pakistan many times. Every time we made changes which were very visible and termed the ‘naya’ Pakistan better than ever before. We have moved from capitalism to communism, from democracy to dictatorship, from a non-Islamic Republic to an Islamic Republic to a liberal “sab say pehlay Pakistan”. We have changed the title of a military dictator from Martial Law Administrator to Chief Executive. We have changed perceptions about our army from saviours to looters. But apparently, nothing has worked for us. We have gone so far from the original thought that even a country envisioned by Allama Iqbal today seems to be a ‘naya’ Pakistan from here. The shelf life of a ‘naya’ Pakistan is not more than 8-10 years and we are experiencing a decrease in this too. How many more times in our lives do we wish to experience a ‘naya’ Pakistan?

Let us stop here for a moment and think, may be the need of the hour is not a ‘naya’ Pakistan, or may be it never was. May be it is time to make a ‘naya’ Pakistani in each one of ourselves for once. A Pakistani that is tolerant; one who can demonstrate religious, political and social tolerance. A Pakistani who is open to differences of opinion and hence criticism for the sake of development or getting better, who can stand in a line and wait for his or her turn, who is empathetic to his or her fellow Pakistanis. A Pakistani who can take pride in being a Pakistani and value other Pakistanis. It is probably time to realise that the Pakistanis do not need a ‘naya’ Pakistan. Rather, this beloved homeland, which has blood of many in its foundations, this land of the pure, this Pakistan needs a ‘naya’ Pakistani.