The new year comes with rare political consensus, but does the PM have the will for the fight?
In the crisis generated by the horrific tragedy of Peshawar, Nawaz Sharif appears to have found a rebirth from near-collapse of his government. In the surge of agitation led by Imran Khan against his regime, and the incompetence of his government to handle the issues facing the nation, his reputation as a politician had touched the lowest ebb, and there was little hope that he would complete his full term. His engaging the Taliban in a thoughtless and prolonged course of dialogues for too long much to their advantage, his inability to take bold and timely decisions, and his failure to control prices of consumer goods, etc, were all negative indicators on the basis of which most independent political surveys had already declared that his regime had lost credentials to remain in power.
In June last, under the bold command of the present army chief, a full scale military offensive was launched against the Taliban, which is successfully gaining ground. But internally the government appeared to be as complacent as it had always been. For instance, on January 18, the Interior minister announced with much fanfare the establishment of National Counter-terrorism Authority (NACTA), with an ambitious plan to create a joint directorate of 26 intelligence agencies for enhancing law enforcement, but nothing was ever heard about it. Even after lapse of a full one year, NACTA only exists on paper, and is functionally dead. Besides, all terrorist organisations earlier banned by the government are still operating openly and with impunity with different names but under the same leaders, which did not bother the government.
In most cases the ruling party itself freely gave party tickets to the leaders and the activists of these outlawed organisations and also ensured their success in the last general election, some of whom adorn the benches of parliament. Thus it would not be wrong to say that the government was following a policy of appeasement towards Taliban, bordering on hypocrisy. Publically they were debunked but inwardly they were protected and even patronised. The policy against terrorism was also ambivalent. The government patronised terrorist organisations with anti-Indian bias, but remained aloof and detached from those responsible for insurrection in Fata areas. There, too, distinction between good and bad Taliban existed for a long time till that distinction was done away with recently. The logic of keeping and later doing away with that distinction is not yet clear. The pro-Taliban terrorists formed the major bulk of our religious parties and sectarian organisations which mixed and mingled with our common people, who came to accept the Taliban cult as a way of life for good or for bad. A survey carried out by 2014 Global Attitudes of Washington based Pew Research Centre shows that 59 percent of those questioned in Pakistan rejected the TTP but 33 percent were indifferent towards the terrorist outfit. The result is that a startling 60 million Pakistanis did not have any problem with the extremist worldview of the Taliban.
Steps like execution of convicted terrorists, creation of military courts, deployment of a special counter-terrorism force, formulation of a comprehensive policy to deal with Afghan refugees and settlement of IDPs with ban against glorification of terrorist organisations, etc, have been much debated in the press
In this background the heart-wrenching Peshawar tragedy shook the entire nation and proved a watershed in Pakistan’s history. It was no less than Pakistan’s 9/11, which brought in its wake some developments which are both unique and far-reaching. For the first time in its history, it brought the civil-military leadership as a solid block on one table under one roof. The presence of General Raheel Sharif proved a great cementing bond. Without him this unity was hard to obtain, because some of our pro-Taliban religious parties could not muster courage to articulate their traditional stands vis-à-vis Taliban in view of the solemnity of the occasion. Resultantly, full unanimity was achieved on 20-point National Action Plan, a rare feat demonstrated in recent times.
There is no doubt that this National Action Plan has been devised with great care after fully reviewing the prevalent realities. Steps like execution of convicted terrorists, creation of military courts, deployment of a special counter-terrorism force, formulation of a comprehensive policy to deal with Afghan refugees and settlement of IDPs with ban against glorification of terrorist organisations, etc, have been much debated in the press. The public may be divided opinion on most of these points, but it is generally agreed that the plan must be implemented in the larger interest of the nation. Now, the real test of Nawaz’s government would be in its will and seriousness to implement this plan.The past record of the government, however, does not bode well for the future.
Significantly, an even bigger challenge awaits the Nawaz regime as the new year rolls on, one that will test his credibility as a leader to the hilt. For many months and years, pledges were made to crack down on violent Islamists with Taliban leanings, but nothing concrete was ever done. As said earlier, it had been a policy of appeasement towards parties overtly or covertly siding with Taliban ideology and the government appeared to patronise them out of fear for the nuisance value they carried. Thus a culture of fear and hatred had come to stalk our streets and alleys. This culture even governed our print and electronic media, not sparing even some of our public institutions. Nobody could dare oppose Taliban ideology in public for fear of his or her life. Many distinguished personages were attacked and killed for expressing views contrary to their creed. Freedom of thought and speech were stifled and nobody felt safe.
The real challenge before Nawaz Sharif, therefore, is not the creation of a counter-terrorist force, or registration of madaris, or even controlling pro-Taliban influence on the media. It concerns primarily with adopting ways and measures to put an end to the culture of fear and hatred and insecurity which has seeped into the vitals of this society, making it more susceptible to further deleterious influences of the organisations like ISIS. It is heartening to see that his 20-Point Action Plan also includes checking re-emergence of proscribed organisations and blocking their funds, dismantling their networks and showing them zero tolerance, which indeed is a tall order. Now the real test of Nawaz Sharif is how far he succeeds in achieving even half of these goals.
Significantly, an even bigger challenge awaits the Nawaz regime as the new year rolls on, one that will test his credibility as a leader to the hilt. For many months and years, pledges were made to crack down on violent Islamists with Taliban leanings, but nothing concrete was ever done
In this context, one cannot overlook the question of religion which is the core issue in our war against the Taliban, and which has been made to instigate a mischief against the state, dubbing it un-Islamic. In the first place, the founder of this nation never intended it to be a theocratic state, and wanted it to retain a secular image where all citizens, irrespective of their faiths, should have equal rights and duties toward the state (reference Quaid’s speech of 11thAugust 1948). If, however, Islam was later declared as the state religion, then proper safeguards were provided in the constitution and the apex court was given powers to strike down any law found repugnant to the Quran and Sunnah. Besides, a Council of Islamic Ideology was also set up to tender advice in religious matters. If some section still wants to impose its own brand of Islam with force to disrupt the state structure, that section must be crushed with the full might of the state.
Another good development is in the improvement of Pak-Afghan relations and the new Afghan leadership’s unequivocal willingness to bolster security ties between the two countries. Throughout the Karzai era, such an understanding could not be reached, which was why the menace of Taliban could not be effectively controlled. The US too has added its weight to this understanding. Nawaz Sharif would do well to reciprocate the visit of the Afghan president as soon as he sets in motion his 20-Point Plan to ensure that a permanent accord is signed between the two countries to check Taliban’s intrusion from either side, along with their repatriation on mutual basis.
Point 12 on the Action Plan relates to “the administrative and development reforms in Fata with immediate focus on return of IDPs”. It is not clear whether this would also include bringing the tribal areas into the mainstream of the ordinary laws of the land (of course with necessary and temporary exceptions) so that when their areas are cleansed of terrorist elements, their further development could be possible alongside the rest of the country. Without these measures the entire crusade against terrorism would come to naught.
If fate has catapulted the Nawaz regime from a near collapse to a state where the threat of agitation and ‘dharnas’ has suddenly vanished, all political parties have stood behind him like a solid rock, the new Afghan leadership is keen to fight alongside him against the forces of darkness, and the entire armed forces are at one with him, he has got the necessary carte blanche to effectively execute his plan of action. Rarely has a prime minister has had so much power and such a congenial environment. With the will and determination he has displayed during these last days, he can decisively act now, or if he doesn’t, then the opportunity would be lost forever. For him, it is now or never!
