D-Day and beyond

Need to talk

Nawaz Sharif returning after attending a bittersweet SAARC (South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation) summit at Kathmandu will immediately have to deal with the political crisis at home.

Although despite initial hesitation, a deal to create a regional electricity grid was finally signed, Islamabad did not acquiesce to the proposed road and rail links agreements. The last minute handshake notwithstanding – thanks largely to the intransigence of hardliner Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and resistance back home from those who matter — Sharif’s vision of Indo-Pakistan amity lies shattered.

Back home there is nothing to cheer about either. The recalcitrant Khan, refusing to play ball, is all set for his rally today in Islamabad. Despite the mobilisation, he will not be able to muster a million people in the capital. Nonetheless it is expected to be a massive show.

In the face of PTI’s perennial onslaught Sharif and his ministers remain clueless. The government has no cogent strategy to combat the impending challenge except resorting to threats and taking half-hearted administrative measures.

In the absence of any dialogue the reactive strategy simply hasn’t worked. Perhaps the only method in the present madness seems to be to simply tire out the PTI supporters and hope for the best.

This has not worked so far. Imran’s unrelenting schedule of dharna every evening at Islamabad and massive rallies across the country has sapped the morale of the PML-N supporters.

Initially Khan, abetted by TuQ (Tahirul Qadri), had hoped that the fabled ‘third umpire’ (euphemism for the ubiquitous establishment) would intervene. But this did not happen.

Initially Khan, abetted by TuQ (Tahirul Qadri), had hoped that the fabled ‘third umpire’ (euphemism for the ubiquitous establishment) would intervene. But this did not happen

The wily cleric, smelling the coffee beans, cut a deal with the government and abandoned the match. Now reporting sick, he is all set to fly off to Canada for an extended period.

The Khan nevertheless has obstinately stuck to his guns. He has not been able to dislodge the government, but in the process has inexorably damaged the Sharifs’ brand.

Nawaz Sharif and his brother Shehbaz Sharif need to do some deep introspection. They have ruled Punjab for the past quarter of a century or so. Nawaz Sharif has been prime minister thrice. This is no mean feat. But why have they lost their mojo now?

Imran Khan too so far has not come up with any positive agenda. He bellows at the top of his voice every evening levelling mostly unsubstantiated charges of corruption not only against the Sharif family but the whole political spectrum.

Unfortunately the Sharifs have been slow to gauge the discernable change in thinking amongst the people. The PTI draws its core support from relatively educated and younger middle class. Most of them are first time voters.

This lot has no stomach for the viceregal style of governance prevalent in the country. Unfortunately Sharifs think that the old formulae still work for them.

After all, they have been able to successfully buck the system for so long; why can’t they do it now? Perhaps after their return from exile in 2007 they failed to discern the change in the mindset of the people.

Perhaps Imran Khan’s phenomenon is a manifestation of the paradigm shift. The Sharifs, without changing their spots, simply assumed that by distributing laptops and appealing to the younger voters they could blunt the impact of the impending tsunami that raised its threatening head at Khan’s massive public meeting in Lahore in October 2011.

Regrettably, the Sharifs obstinately refuse to reset course. No lessons have been learnt from their previous stints.

Perhaps they believe it was the coup master Pervez Musharraf who, by ousting them in October 1999, deprived the nation from all the good things they were doing. Hence in his third time as prime minister, Nawaz Sharif working with the same team has not changed his style of governance.

On the contrary, a marked deterioration is discernable. There is a greater reliance on a coterie of family members and sycophants. Sharif seems more remote and withdrawn than he was ever before.

An underlying Machiavellian style rather than competence and transparency pervade. As a result most public corporations and their boards being run on ad hoc basis are filled with favourites who are simply unable to deliver.

Admittedly quite a few PTI demands sound impractical and beyond the ambit of the constitution. But heavens will not fall if the prime minister calls the PTI chief, inviting him for a meeting. If he refuses, so be it

No one is bothered about the optics. In an age of free media, an assertive superior judiciary and unfettered freedom of expression, bluntly put: the emperor has no clothes.

The Khan, by withdrawing his demand for resignation of the prime minister as a precondition for talks had, by his standards, given a big concession to the government. But instead of opening negotiations the government team embarked on a strategy to blunt his appeal through counter allegations.

Administrative measures to thwart the onslaught of the PTI have simply not worked. Post Sunday, the Sharifs should seriously consider the option of meaningful talks.

Admittedly quite a few PTI demands sound impractical and beyond the ambit of the constitution. But heavens will not fall if the prime minister calls the PTI chief, inviting him for a meeting. If he refuses, so be it.

Forming of a supreme judicial commission and reforming of the election commission are doable demands. However, agreeing on the commission’s terms of reference (TORs) will be a tricky business.

There is no denying the fact that the present structure of the Election Commission is deeply flawed. The powers of the Chief Election Commissioner and the criteria of his selection need to be reviewed.

All this requires legislation or perhaps even a constitutional amendment by the parliament. The Khan, before embarking upon further dismantling the system, should revisit his flawed strategy of resigning from the parliament en masse.

Admittedly a transparent and reformed election process does not suit many sitting in the present parliament. But this is where the PTI, as the third largest party in parliament, can make a difference.

A fresh census and local bodies elections, long overdue, should precede general elections. But all this cannot happen without at least a modicum of unanimity.

The PML-N government is the biggest loser if the present turmoil prolongs. Hence initiating negotiations with the PTI is in its best interest.