Who was responsible for the relapse into the familiar posture of hostility?
The way the PML-N and PTI expressed willingness for talks early this month was surprising. It seemed to be a sudden change of heart. Pervaiz Rashid made an ardent appeal to PTI to hold dialogue. He almost beseeched for talks.
“We want dialogue. We have heard 213 speeches of Imran Khan, so Mr Khan should be able to spare 21 or 22 minutes for us,” the information minister told reporters at the National Press Club on November 1. “Our hearts and the doors of negotiation are open. We will accord Mr Khan the utmost respect and embrace him [if he comes for talks],” he added. The minister complained that Imran Khan was not allowing PTI’s negotiating team to hold talks with the government. “Please, remove the handcuffs of Shah Mehmood Qureshi, Shafqat Mahmood and Arif Alvi. Come and let us start talking.”
PTI MNA Arif Alvi maintained that his party was also ready for talks. A few days later Shireen Mazari claimed that her party had never closed the door on negotiations. “The PTI has never refused to hold talks with the government. Its chairman Imran Khan has displayed flexibility in his position and made a positive suggestion for a meaningful probe into rigging of last year’s general elections,” she said in a press release.
Imran Khan went a step further by withdrawing the demand for Nawaz Sharif’s resignation or his proceeding on long leave pending the outcome of the judicial enquiry into rigging. This was a major change as the PTI chief had all along refused to budge on the demand.
The PML-N and PTI are in fact made of the same stuff: arrogance combined with intolerance. As the no-holds-barred contest continues what is at stake is the economy and the democratic system
The bonhomie vanished as suddenly as it had appeared. Who was responsible for the relapse into the familiar posture of hostility and of mutual recrimination?
Was it the threat extended by Khan that his movement will not remain peaceful if the judicial commission was not in place before November 30? Or was it due to a (mis)perception on the part of the PML-N that PTI was on the retreat and now was the time to deliver it a coup de grace instead of providing it an honourable way out of the sit-in?
Perhaps it was both. The PML-N and PTI are in fact made of the same stuff: arrogance combined with intolerance. As the no-holds-barred contest continues what is at stake is the economy and the democratic system.
There is no justification on the part of the PML-N for complacence. The PTI and PAT are still in the field. What the PTI can do is to prolong its agitation. Even if the protests remain peaceful the large gatherings drawn by Khan would strengthen the perception of political uncertainty. Foreign investors will continue to be wary. Unrest will spread further
The PML-N leadership is arrogant, short-sighted and thick-skinned. It fails to take into account the consequences that can follow from its short-sighted policies till the crisis blows into its face. It then gets panicky and over reacts as it did in the Model Town firing case or when the PTI and PAT protestors stormed the Red Zone and a visibly shaken Nawaz Sharif sought the parliament’s support. However, once the storm is seen to have blown over the necks again become stiff, the opposition is ignored and no need is felt by the prime minister to attend the national assembly sessions. The ministers too start sidelining the senate and parliamentary subcommittees. Complacency characterises the ruling party.
The government thinks the crisis is over now. It therefore would try to dictate rather than resolve outstanding issues with the PTI. It would be foolhardiness to presume that the PTI has lost steam. As long as there is inflation, unemployment, rising poverty, power and gas shortages and unfulfilled promise Imran Khan would continue to be relevant. The PTI chief attracts crowds by capitalising on the sufferings of the people. His strident tone, seen by political parties as against political etiquette, appeals to those whose complaints and appeals fall on deaf ears. They think a blast is needed to make the deaf hear. The louder Imran Khan speaks in public meetings, he more thunderous the applause. They take vicarious pleasure in “Oye Nawaz Sharif” and the harsh tone.
The PML-N government is dealing with no starry-eyed idealist. Over the years Imran Khan has developed into ambitious practitioner of realpolitik. He is obsessed by power and would ally with anyone, politician, cleric or army leader, to achieve the purpose. He doesn’t stick to any political philosophy. He can oppose feudalism at one time and express support for the oppressed haris, who he says are forced to work like slaves. At other times he would hobnob with feudal lords and invite their educated scion to his party, forgetting the haris.
The government thinks the crisis is over now. It therefore would try to dictate rather than resolve outstanding issues with the PTI. It would be foolhardiness to presume that the PTI has lost steam
Imran Khan is not isolated to the extent that the PML-N would like to believe. Many in the opposition, who bitterly disagree with his political manners, his calls for an elected prime minister’s resignation and support for civil disobedience, concede that he has given a new turn to politics. Further that his aggressive style has forced the PML-N and the PPP to take stock of their failings. The parties will now have to perform to win next time. Without Imran Khan the PML-N and PPP governments would have continued to indulge in their shenanigans, giving the least thought to the lot of the common man.
The opposition will criticise PTI but will not allow it to be suppressed. The PML-N would be completing half its tenure in a year. The parties sitting in the opposition would then start planning for the next elections to fight the battle royal for the capture of Punjab, the largest province. Every potential challenger will try to reach some sort of compromise with the PTI.
The return of Tahirul Qadri poses another challenge to the PML-N. The cleric is as unprincipled as Imran Khan. If anything, he is more shifty than the PTI chief. Whenever criticised for changing positions, which he continues to do, he justifies this by maintaining that the situation on ground is in a permanent state of flux.
Qadri has an old axe to grind with the Sharifs. The issue of the Model killings remains unsettled. While taking part in by-elections, he is on the lookout for a chance to issue a call for another march on Islamabad. The PAT chief would not hand over his followers to Imran Khan to make November 30 call a success. As another practitioner of realpolitik, Qadri has however not ruled out a future alliance with Imran Khan.
The way out for the PML-N is to make a genuine effort resolve its disputes with the PTI and PAT. This will lower the level of confrontation, help in the achievement of economic goals and make democracy more stable. There is, however, little hope of the PML-N heeding the advice.
