Politics that lives by those who are gone
“When beggars die, there are no comets seen;
The heavens themselves blaze forth the death of princes.”
William Shakespeare, Julius Caesar
“For in that sleep of death, what dreams may come.”
William Shakespeare, Hamlet
Politics continues to touch new lows in the country, be it in proclamations, deeds, or attempts to reinvent a party that has been dead for a long time.
From Bhutto to Zardari to Bhutto-Zardari, there is no concoction that has not been tried in the mad quest to resurrect a party that, having slipped inexorably into the clutches of corruption, has been virtually confined to the interior of Sindh. By hoisting a new and brazen face, albeit young, on the skeleton of a once formidable unit, and taking to exhuming the remains of the dead of the party and putting them up for currying votes and favour, one does not quite have the right recipe that can lead to any level of political regeneration.
From Bhutto to Zardari to Bhutto-Zardari, there is no concoction that has not been tried in the mad quest to resurrect a party that, having slipped inexorably into the clutches of corruption, has been virtually confined to the interior of Sindh. By hoisting a new and brazen face, albeit young, on the skeleton of a once formidable unit, and taking to exhuming the remains of the dead of the party and putting them up for currying votes and favour, one does not quite have the right recipe that can lead to any level of political regeneration
The Karachi spectacle can be dubbed as the Sindh government show as people were herded from all over the province to gather at the Mazar-e-Quaid at the appointed hour to listen to the discourse of the new Messiah. He came in a helicopter, surveyed his serfs from air ostensibly gauging their ‘welfare’, then condescended to land and proceed with delivering a harangue that was as shorn of substance as it was rich in meaningless diatribes invoking guidance from the dead and proclaiming allegiance to the legacy left behind by his maternal ancestors. It was as if the Zardari interlude, based on a letter that descended from the heavens, did not even exist, much less matter. The promised one had finally ascended the throne to carry forth the agenda of the Bhuttos. The extravagant coronation ceremony was performed to usher in a new leader. In the process, the city of Karachi remained under virtual siege on the day of the meeting and a number of days preceding that. Roads were blocked to traffic and not a soul could stir in anticipation of the larger-than-life image of the saviour to finally appear for deliverance.
He challenged the PML-N and the MQM with equal venom. He left it to his father to hurl invectives at the PTI. It was like the PPP was on a war path with the entire political spectrum in a bid to reinvent itself as a virgin dispensation. The reaction was quick in coming. The MQM was offended that led to its resignation from the Sindh, AJK and Gilgit-Baltistan governments, cultivating rumours that the leader of the opposition in the national assembly could be changed in due course. The PML-N, not being in a position to even protest in a bid to saving its tenuous hold on the seat of power in Islamabad, remained virtually quiet. There was a counter-salvo from the PTI reminding the new incumbent of the massive corruption that his father had indulged in which contributed immeasurably to rendering the party politically irrelevant. The reaction led to further bitter salvos: “We did not need the MQM in the past, we don’t need it now and will not need it in the future”. I thought this message should have been directed to the former president and the former interior minister who, jointly, were the architects of the PPP-MQM bonhomie to the utter angst of other party stalwarts.
He challenged the PML-N and the MQM with equal venom. He left it to his father to hurl invectives at the PTI. It was like the PPP was on a war path with the entire political spectrum in a bid to reinvent itself as a virgin dispensation. The reaction was quick in coming. The MQM was offended that led to its resignation from the Sindh, AJK and Gilgit-Baltistan governments, cultivating rumours that the leader of the opposition in the national assembly could be changed in due course. The PML-N, not being in a position to even protest in a bid to saving its tenuous hold on the seat of power in Islamabad, remained virtually quiet. There was a counter-salvo from the PTI reminding the new incumbent of the massive corruption that his father had indulged in which contributed immeasurably to rendering the party politically irrelevant
In another brazen move, the MQM has proceeded to register a blasphemy case against the leader of the opposition Khurshid Shah for his unsavoury comments about the “muhajirs”. The court has summoned the accused to appear before it on November 28.
Now to the Tahirul Qadri phenomenon and the impact it may leave on the burgeoning political situation in the country. His coming to Islamabad was always laced with a large quotient of dubiousness. He had come once before, protested from the container for a few days, negotiated his price, received it and was gone. A similar spectacle was expected this time around also. It is only that it took a little longer in coming which is primarily owed to his proclaimed association with PTI and the latter’s refusal to call it a day on his urging. Reportedly, negotiations had been held between the two outfits over the last one month, but Imran Khan refused to budge, thus forcing Tahirul Qadri to go it alone and hit the hustings as a way of carrying forth his movement for revolution. It is also being said that the retreat came about at a hefty price running into billions which was paid in lieu of the Qisas and Diyat money of the dead of Lahore as well as towards meeting other ‘expenses’ of the sit-in. The agreement was reportedly pieced together by some mutual friends of the two parties as the Sharifs were really eager to shoo away the prospect of them being tried for murder at some stage during their current incumbency or after it. It has also been reported by a journalist/op-ed writer that, as a last resort, the prime minister’s mother was asked to call the wily cleric and ask him “to forgive the two brothers”. She is understood to have done it on the basis of the relationship that Tahirul Qadri had with the Sharifs’ father.
With one sit-in bought away and the MQM having separated from the PPP-led governments, what is the possible impact that can still be gauged for the short- and long-term future of political protest in the country that, at its orchestrated height, appeared to be threatening the continuation of the incumbent dispensation? What are the possible alignments or realignments that one can see in a bid to topple the Sharifs’ empire that, in any case, remains tottering owing to its inherent weaknesses and governance failures?
With the factor of exhaustion on account of the elongation of the sit-ins, further aggravated by the desertion of the Tahirul Qadri phenomenon and a large bunch of committed protestors, the prospects of success for pushing the PML-N government out immediately have vastly receded – at least, for the time being. Consequently, it calls for a review of strategy as well as tactics on the part of those who are fighting for change. . The favourable ground created by the Bhutto-Zardari speech could, therefore, become a platform for forging new political alliances in the country
The first target could be the replacement of the leader of the opposition in the national assembly. The PTI legislators have resigned and, whether or not the government decides to accept their resignations, they are not likely to go back to the assemblies though the party will continue to rule in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. That leaves the MQM and some other one-person parties extending support to the initiative which would not number up to displacing Khurshid Shah. Consequently, is there a prospect of the PTI reneging on its avowed proclamation and decide to go back to the assemblies in a bid to have its own person installed as the leader of the opposition? If this were to happen, the PTI would have to reverse its earlier decision to dismantle the government through street agitation and revert to struggle within the parliament. That would sink in with the parliament’s call to all political entities to come back to the house for initiating the process of change through reforms. With its own person installed as the leader of the opposition, the process could become more tenable for the parties agitating for change, more so by becoming directly instrumental in having credible and transparent people installed as heads of key state institutions. But, for this to be accomplished, PTI will first have to share the stage with its erstwhile nemesis — the MQM. Is that possible? Is that in the offing? Politics, they say, is the art of the possible. On that basis, could this also become a reality?
With the factor of exhaustion on account of the elongation of the sit-ins, further aggravated by the desertion of the Tahirul Qadri phenomenon and a large bunch of committed protestors, the prospects of success for pushing the PML-N government out immediately have vastly receded – at least, for the time being. Consequently, it calls for a review of strategy as well as tactics on the part of those who are fighting for change. The favourable ground created by the Bhutto-Zardari speech could, therefore, become a platform for forging new political alliances in the country.
PPP is trading the bodies of the Bhuttos. PML-N is trading its perceived fight against dictatorship and its contribution to strengthening parliamentary politics, PTI its promise of change and MQM its spectre of myriad woes that keeps changing with time. A coalition of the forces that, in spite of appreciable differences among them, may agree to work together on a minimal agenda of change is likely to increase the pressure on forces whose interests are linked with the continuation and further perpetuation of the traditional policies based on promoting a culture of patronage destined to benefit a few to the deprivation of a vast majority of people that survive on the fringes
What of the PTI sit-in that continues in Islamabad which is now interspersed with largely-attended protest meetings in various cities across Punjab and with plans of going into Sindh starting the month of November? It is to this endeavour that the PPP strong reaction could and should be attributed. As long as PTI was eroding the PML-N influence in Punjab, PPP, though speaking against street agitation, was sitting pretty as it thought that it could grab part of the share vacated by the ruling party. But a PTI incursion into Sindh is perceived as a direct threat to the party’s prospect of continuing to rule the province that it has for a good part of the last four decades. Their hold is already tenuous as the MQM has been gradually adding to its share of the provincial stock mostly in the urban sections while the PPP share has been gradually depleting. The threat to the PPP also emanates from the regrouping of some other parties and the possible strength that the PTI may show at the next elections. So, a tried and tested partner like the MQM should have been protected rather than abused and pushed away. Why this hurry? Does the PPP have another plan in mind?
A PTI-MQM combine can do two things: get its person elected as the leader of the opposition in the national assembly and, with the support garnered from other groups, pose a potent threat to the continuing PPP hegemony in ruling Sindh. With the PML-N hold tottering in Punjab, such a coalition also has the potential for initiating a paradigm shift in national politics. The question is whether, given the bitter past of the relations between the two parties, this is at all possible? It becomes even more significant as both parties espouse a patently anti-status-quo agenda though there are differences as to how this change may be perceived by them respectively.
Not given to prophesying, I remain a humble student of history and would watch with interest the developments that are likely to occur over the next few weeks and months. PPP is trading the bodies of the Bhuttos. PML-N is trading its perceived fight against dictatorship and its contribution to strengthening parliamentary politics, PTI its promise of change and MQM its spectre of myriad woes that keeps changing with time. A coalition of the forces that, in spite of appreciable differences among them, may agree to work together on a minimal agenda of change is likely to increase the pressure on forces whose interests are linked with the continuation and further perpetuation of the traditional policies based on promoting a culture of patronage destined to benefit a few to the deprivation of a vast majority of people that survive on the fringes. The key to the success of any option is grounded mostly with the people it is likely to impact the most. Therein, simultaneously, may rest the strength and the weakness of the possible battle, but what a battle it promises!
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