The criminal syndicate

The lethal lust for power and a demeaning distaste for democracy

“Their final objective toward which all their deceit is directed is to capture political power so that, using the power of the state and the power of the market simultaneously, they may keep the common man in eternal subjugation”.

–Henry A Wallace

Barrister Aitzaz Ahsan’s speech in the parliament can be described as the threshold separating the brilliance of the unspoken word from the sharpness of a well thought-out critique. Its centre-point was his candid admission when, addressing the prime minister, he said: “We are with you out of compulsion” – understandably, the compulsion of saving ‘democracy’, the ‘parliament’, the illicit billions of their respective leaders and all other symbols of a decrepit system that is hanging in there by the most tenuous of supports, if any at all!

The ongoing drama within the parliament and outside has exposed the contradictions nagging our continued national survival. On the one hand is a disoriented conglomerate of people sitting inside the legislature, trying desperately to take shelter behind the edifice of ‘democracy’, ‘parliament’ and the ‘system’ in an effort to shamefacedly defend the gross corruption and maladministration that their leaders have been guilty of. The malady goes deeper. In order to save themselves from the dragnet of justice, these leaders and their lieutenants have scripted and secured deals with other (equally corrupt) political parties so that the state accountability and judicial apparatus would be rendered dysfunctional. Those opposing them are the avowed advocates of ‘change’ and ‘reform’ that they are trying to implement by using the instrument of open-ended sit-in protests in the capital to the utter angst of the coterie of rulers.

The former grouping is virtually deprived of any moral standing in the light of their recent and old performances resulting in a host of corruption cases that they have manoeuvred to keep pending for years by using their executive powers as also the power of money and harassment. Ironically, the coalition opposing them also includes people with a past that, in certain respects, is even more debatable and debilitating. The stalemated confrontation has also resulted in a public display of contradictions within these outfits. While the PPP and other coalition partners repeatedly beat the drums of extending support to the government “out of compulsion”, the MQM endlessly vacillates between the extremes of “saving the system” and “destroying a corrupt system”. The PTI, on the other hand, is torn asunder by internal conflicts and contradictions emanating from a dictatorial style of the leader and the eagerness of some of his associates to become part of the very system that they have set out to destroy, thus reaping the ensuing dividends which will come aplenty. In short, one has a tried and tested form of corruption on the one hand competing with a burgeoning brand on the other that is not likely to be any different when put to the test.

The ongoing drama within the parliament and outside has exposed the contradictions nagging our continued national survival. On the one hand is a disoriented conglomerate of people sitting inside the legislature, trying desperately to take shelter behind the edifice of ‘democracy’, ‘parliament’ and the ‘system’ in an effort to shamefacedly defend the gross corruption and maladministration that their leaders have been guilty of. The malady goes deeper. In order to save themselves from the dragnet of justice, these leaders and their lieutenants have scripted and secured deals with other (equally corrupt) political parties so that the state accountability and judicial apparatus would be rendered dysfunctional. Those opposing them are the avowed advocates of ‘change’ and ‘reform’ that they are trying to implement by using the instrument of open-ended sit-in protests in the capital to the utter angst of the coterie of rulers.

Apparently, most of the parties represented in the parliament stand behind the government in their bid to save ‘democracy’ from the assault of the ‘gypsies’, but, gradually, the conflicts, both intra- and with other parties, have started surfacing and souring the burgeoning coalition of the corrupt. The spat between the Chaudhry of Rawalpindi and the one from Gujrat/Lahore provides ample evidence of the schisms that separate the two principal parties of the parliament – the one controlling the house and the other taking care of the opposition. The interior minister’s tirade was extremely venomous when, referring to Aitzaz Ahsan, he thundered: “I know where he is speaking from. He is a representative and facilitator of the biggest land mafia in the country…I have no respect for a person like him. Right from the LPG quota to using planes of a particular mafia, there is a contradiction in his words and deeds”. Ostensibly, this came about in reaction to Aitzaz Ahsan’s accusation regarding the mass-scale rigging in the last election during the course of his address to the joint session of the parliament. Strong words indeed which needed an apology from the prime minister himself on the floor of the house to soothe matters. This is just one of the multiple dimensions of the divide that separates the ruling party from some of its supporters within the parliament.

One thing is certain. Things are never again going to be like these have been in the past. There is a definitive change. People understand the multiple failings of the system with a clarity that is rare. Additionally, they are also eager to make a contribution to the process of rectifying these failings in the shortest possible time. The government is aware of this sea change and that is exactly why it is agreeable to concede to some of the PTI demands that it was not even willing to consider in the first instance. What has brought about this change in a matter of weeks, not months or years? It is the possible threat of the corrupt outfits being completely washed away in a wave of protest that could be far more widespread, even violent. Talk to people from any walk of life and they would testify to this irrespective of whether they stand behind the government or the protesting parties. People want change, but it is a change that is neither a derivative or extension of the rampant corruption that has been practised through decades by succeeding leaderships that emerged as a result of exploiting the caveats in a non-transparent and dysfunctional electoral system, nor would they be content with a leadership that may succeed in coming forth wearing the deceptive garb of ‘democracy’ and ‘constitutionality’ and brandishing the perceived ‘incorruptibility’ of their leader. This is not going to work any longer.

One thing is certain. Things are never again going to be like these have been in the past. There is a definitive change. People understand the multiple failings of the system with a clarity that is rare. Additionally, they are also eager to make a contribution to the process of rectifying these failings in the shortest possible time. The government is aware of this sea change and that is exactly why it is agreeable to concede to some of the PTI demands that it was not even willing to consider in the first instance. What has brought about this change in a matter of weeks, not months or years? It is the possible threat of the corrupt outfits being completely washed away in a wave of protest that could be far more widespread, even violent.

There is another factor that is going to play a key role in the way things are likely to shape in the future. This is built around the activation of the educated, middle-class people who can be seen in large numbers at the PTI sit-ins. Like Bhutto who gave people their first taste of political consciousness in the sixties which continued into the seventies and later, Imran Khan has succeeded in politically sensitising a class of people that has hitherto been vocal in expressing their disdain for the politicians and had preferred aloofness to becoming a part of the movements of the past which were mostly spearheaded by the poorer echelons of the society as also by the religiously-activated segments. This, too, is likely to change and any movement in the future would be far more diversified representing the interests of a larger number of people across class and economic divides.

In spite of the support extended to it within the parliament, the government seems to be fast losing its nerve. This is amply reflected in the abysmal way it handled the impending visit of the Chinese President to Pakistan. Instead of concentrating proactively on resolving the issues with the protesting parties, it reportedly gave an option of the Chinese leader to visit Lahore instead of Islamabad. This was a patent expression of a lack of faith by a sitting government in its own security apparatus and its inability to ensure safety of the visiting dignitary. Then, Lahore is not the seat of the government. Raiwind reflects the seat of the personal fiefdom that the Sharifs have so fraudulently erected using the illicit billions stolen from the national exchequer and for which there are innumerable cases pending against them which remain hidden under the rug, thanks largely to the despotic control that they have established over the state institutions entrusted with the job of conducting accountability.

The apparent respite notwithstanding, the government remains embroiled in a life-and-death struggle with multiple forces, but the most debilitating is its inability to come out in the open and state facts that it continues alluding to. Most of its ministers are ceaselessly referring to the ‘hidden hands’ behind the agitation. There is also the talk about the ‘script’ and the ‘script writer’. Then there is Ahsan Iqbal saying that the case against Musharraf is the key to this agitation and another minister who accuses the establishment of trying to destabilise the government. The prime minister is caught on camera repeatedly whispering to the interior minister to also mention the name of Geo to have suffered the police brutality like reporters from other television channels when, in actual effect, that was not the case. This demonstrably and irrefutably reflects the duplicitous and deceitful role that the government continues to play in the matter of its relations with the army and the Inter-Services Intelligence Agency (ISI). Like they say, this government does not need enemies. The prime minister, being the principal architect of this unceasing flow of venom and hate, is enough to do the needful, ably assisted by the battalion of Brutuses that he commands in his corrupt and decrepit outfit. Mention of this was also made the other day by the leader of the opposition in the national assembly on the floor of the parliament:

“God hath given you one face, and you make yourself another.”

–William Shakespeare

There is another factor that is going to play a key role in the way things are likely to shape in the future. This is built around the activation of the educated, middle-class people who can be seen in large numbers at the PTI sit-ins. Like Bhutto who gave people their first taste of political consciousness in the sixties which continued into the seventies and later, Imran Khan has succeeded in politically sensitising a class of people that has hitherto been vocal in expressing their disdain for the politicians and had preferred aloofness to becoming a part of the movements of the past which were mostly spearheaded by the poorer echelons of the society as also by the religiously-activated segments. This, too, is likely to change and any movement in the future would be far more diversified representing the interests of a larger number of people across class and economic divides.

Of the six demands put forth by the PTI, there has been an agreement on just three so far. The more contentious demands relating to the setting up and the working of the supreme judicial commission that would investigate the alleged mass-scale rigging in the last election and the prime minister’s resignation, in advance, or for it to be linked with the findings of the commission, are still outstanding and neither side is quite willing to budge from its stated position. The written draft submitted by the PTI contains the suggestion that the proposed commission should have the power to investigate, prosecute and pass a ‘binding judgment’ for the government and the PTI. Additionally, after conducting an independent investigation of the PTI allegations regarding rigging or manipulation of the 2013 elections, the proposed commission will submit a ‘legally binding and enforceable final report’ within thirty days. This is contrary to the charade of setting up commissions in the past when reports, if formulated at all, were never made public. The question of the commission’s findings to be ‘legally binding’ and ‘enforceable’ are, therefore, new to the government’s jargon of deceit that it has so cleverly fabricated in its bid to absolve itself from the accusation of having been the principal beneficiary of a rigged election process.

There is also the question of the prime minister’s resignation to come either in advance of the formulation of the commission, or for it to be linked directly with its findings. In spite of the submissions of the opposition legislators in the parliament that, if a guilty verdict is reached by the commission, there would be no moral ground left for the entire house to continue functioning and it will be left with no option but to resign en-bloc, there remain strong doubts whether the government, in particular the prime minister, would agree with the proposed TORs. So, there is many a mile to go before the eventual agreement could be agreed upon.

In the meanwhile, Imran may have lost considerably in the ongoing battle, and he may end up losing even more, but there is one substantive gain that is irrefutable: he has brought forth the failings of the incumbent system and also shown the resolution and resolve to get done with leaders whose commitment to democracy is not even skin deep. So, let’s propose a toast to a future that may be laced with hope and promise of genuine democracy and enshrining values that may sweep away the criminal syndicates that rule the country today.