All in the name of democracy

Timing is of the essence, more so in politics

Thousands of Imran Khan and Tahir ul Qadri’s supporters battle it out in tandem on the streets of Islamabad for democracy and fair elections.In reality they want Nawaz Sharif’s scalp.

In the process TUQ (Tahir ul Qadri) is offering the moon to his enthralled audience, including free health care, education and what not in the name of real democracy. The Khan on the other hand, armed with his reformist agenda, also wants to end the “monarchy of the Sharifs”.

The Sharifs and their cohorts want to ‘protect democracy at all costs.’ Their mantra is that those agitating against them want to destroy the democratic system to pursue their own nefarious agendas. Yet they do themselves little favours. The Gujranwala incident, where PML-N workers clashed with PTI marchers, was the latest in a series of needless maneuvers which only make matters worse for the N-league.

Oblique hints are thrown that a hidden hand is encouraging Imran and TUQ. In the lexicon of Pakistani politics this means the military — euphemistically termed as the ubiquitous establishment.

Paradoxically on Independence Day Nawaz Sharif had the army chief General Raheel Sharif in tow on three different occasions. At one of the ceremonies, in the presence of the top brass, he thunderously declared that the country needed at least a decade of peace for progress and prosperity.

For the sake of optics Nawaz wants to demonstrate that the military leadership is firmly behind him. The reality is somewhat different. Tensions on the fate of Musharraf and the Sharifs, India and Afghan policy remain. More so an underlying trust deficit is evident to discerning analysts.

But it is yet to be seen whether Imran and TUQ’s marches are being provided tailwind by the military. Nonetheless — the so-called Kayani doctrine probably still in place — it is not a bad idea to keep the civilian leadership on a tight leash by such behind the scenes mechanisations.

Oblique hints are thrown that a hidden hand is encouraging Imran and TUQ. In the lexicon of Pakistani politics this means the military — euphemistically termed as the ubiquitous establishment.

In this context virtually all the stakeholders are engaged in Orwellian doublespeak, which has become the narrative of our political spectrum. Edward Herman, political economist and media analyst, describes doublespeak as: What is really important in the world of doublespeak is the ability to lie, whether knowingly or unconsciously, and get away with it; and the ability to use lies and choose and shape facts selectively, blocking out those that don’t suit an agenda or program.

Imran Khan’s declared aim is revamping and restructuring of the election commission and a probe into the irregularities in the 2013 elections. His maximalist demand is resignation of Nawaz Sharif as prime minister and holding of fresh elections under a neutral dispensation. How is this possible without violating the constitution?

The Khan and his cohorts glibly claim that they are not inviting the military to intervene. The PTI chief, however, made a Freudian slip by demanding a government of technocrats that almost cost him the exit of his anti army president Javed Hashmi, who had been jailed by former dictator Pervez Musharraf for opposing his military rule.

Now Imran is talking about formation of a “non political government” to hold elections. Again, unless Nawaz agrees to dissolve the parliament, no caretaker government of sorts can be formed to hold elections.

The PML-N government, after initial dithering, has agreed to PTI’s demand for forming of a three member Commission comprising Supreme Court judges to probe election irregularities as alleged by Imran Khan. Sharif has also conceded the demand for elections reforms through the all-party parliamentary committee formed for the purpose. To facilitate these reforms he has even pledged to amend the constitution if need be.

TUQ, smelling blood, does not want the Khan to settle for anything less than Sharif’s resignation. For all practical purposes he can only be asked to resign if it is proved beyond doubt that that his mandate is entirely fraudulent.

To prove specific allegations in a court of law leveled against various people named in his news conferences and interviews could be problematic for the Khan. This is not to say that many of the players Imran has named are entirely blameless and were not colluding with the Sharifs to influence the outcome of the elections.

Imran Khan’s declared aim is revamping and restructuring of the election commission and a probe into the irregularities in the 2013 elections.

Khan’s dilemma is that he has upped the ante to an extent, that backing off can be politically disastrous for him. He is also apprehensive that once pressure is off the Sharifs they will back out of their commitments.

Nawaz, in order to assuage Khan’s fears, should agree to an opposition figure heading the parliamentary committee for elections reforms. Similarly, the promised high-level judicial commission should be announced without further delay.

Timing is of the essence, more so in politics. While the PML-N government took too long to react to the PTI’s demand for scrutiny of fingerprints in four constituencies, the Khan on the other hand was perhaps too hasty in putting forth his charter of demands.

He has once again demonstrated his street power that was never in doubt since his rally at Lahore in October 2011. Since then there has been no turning back for him.

If Imran and his cohorts are pitching for the military to intercede in some form or the other, it is another matter. Short of that he should cut a political deal with the Sharifs. Reforming the election system will be no mean feat as it could go a long way in breaking the stranglehold of the PML-N in its traditional heartland.

Speaking of doublespeak, Nawaz should learn a few lessons from the crisis that could cost him his government. The recently empowered and relatively educated urban elite has no stomach for his patriarchal politics — all in the name of democracy. Claiming that economic progress is somehow synonymous to his remaining in power is a flawed narrative.

Economic development is not necessarily synonymous with shiny metro buses for urban centers of Punjab and Islamabad, highways and motorways. Similarly to install additional power capacity, Pak China economic corridor is a good idea. But the jury is still out at what cost for the exchequer?

Owing to the stubborn refusal of the government to tax the rich, tax to GDP ratio remains dismal. Nonetheless keeping the PML-N government’s limitations in mind, it deserves brownie points for at least trying.

On the political front a vice regal, and a detached style remains a hallmark of the Sharifs. The prime minister hardly attends the parliament perhaps for the reason that every member he included is equal in the elected house.

Leave alone the opposition, his own cabinet members are often heard complaining that he is not accessible. The situation in Punjab is no different.

It remains to be seen whether lessons will be learnt. If the past is any guide: those who cannot learn from history are doomed to repeat it.

This essentially is the sad history of Pakistan. Both the political elite and the military leadership will have to demonstrate otherwise.