Lifetime commitment or suffering the Imran Khan effect?
It’s no secret that Asad Umar is number-one in the PTI’s brains department. And while his position in the party has been debated at length, the impact his inclusion had on the party at large has been somewhat downplayed.
It triggered a lot of talk among working middle class Pakistanis, at home and abroad, especially the more successful ones. What could make someone so high in the corporate food chain ditch the good life for Imran Khan’s dream? Was there really a naya Pakistan around the corner? Sure they all wanted a better country, but who’d give up such success for the pit of Pakistan’s politics? Bankers in Dubai began talking about changes they would bring after joining politics. Asad Umar created a moment; he was important.
Hence the natural “what made you do it?” question to start the interview. But he’s grown tired of it, having answered it “millions of times”. The state of the country; the direction it was taking; the compulsion to play a part; the opportunity with PTI; and of course not believing the kind of nonsense that Pakistan might be past the point of no return.
How’s it going so far?
But that doesn’t really answer my question. Why choose politics for these ideals? Does entering a world of corruption, nepotism, exploitation, injustice, etc, really help achieve a better Pakistan? And has he really been able to make a difference, justifying his decision?
“To be honest I’d say I’ve had quite an imprint so far in terms of economic policy”, he says politely. “The KPK budget featured some of my input”.
Change, he adds, is possible, and real, but the process is slow. In order to exert political pressure on issues the party considers important, it must first achieve internal consensus. And he’s an important feature in debates and discussions. “I push, sometimes I’m pushed, but setting priorities right is a long and thorough process, and I must say I have been able to make an impact on policy, so my move has been justified so far”.
For those who follow Imran Khan and the party, this part is particularly interesting. Kaptaan is the most sincere of listeners among political leaders; there are no two views about it. He encourages debate, and even dissent, through proper channels.
But he has a very human failing which interferes with this sincerity. It is difficult to complete your argument with him sometimes. Half-way into it he’ll be convinced he’s understood the complete picture and begin answering. It can be quite a challenge. And word is that this tendency has worsened. Is it true, and does it affect policymaking?
He chuckles. “There is an element of truth in what you say” (forced to admit), “but I can assure you he’s very different when interacting socially and when discussing party policy”.
He calls Imran the “most amenable listener” among Pakistan’s politicians. He’s had the good fortune of interacting with most of them in his years in industry and politics.
“I’d say Nawaz Sharif is the best listener. There’s no engagement, he says nothing. But he always does what he wants”.
Misreading situations
But despite thorough discussions and think-tank analyses – which is a first in Pakistan’s political parties – hasn’t the PTI repeatedly read very important issues wrongly? I mention the initial fanatic support for Iftikhar Chaudhry, and the party’s controversial stand on Taliban negotiations.
He takes these questions very seriously. He should, after all he is the brains behind most policies.
“Clearly we read the CJ wrong”, he admits. “But in retrospect restoring the judiciary was a net positive for Pakistan. That is a very different matter from the CJ’s failings. And yes, there were some clear indications and PTI should have distanced itself much sooner”.
That explains the party’s “match fixing” turnaround to an extent. But he’s not willing to give any space on the talks. In fact, like everyone else in the PTI, he gives the impression that his party’s stand was not only morally and politically correct, it also prevented a much larger tragedy.
First of all, the issue was and remains shrouded in mystery and confusion. ”Why was it that first Kayani and Pasha convinced everybody that an attack was not needed? And why did they say three years later that an operation was necessary?” he asks.
Could it be that the situation had worsened?
“Even now, we do not know the exact contours of the operation. But if you are smart you will realise that the talks, however wrongly conducted, did have one very encouraging effect”.
The Mehsuds have been divided, precisely because of the negotiations. And the argument that militants used this time to regroup, he says, is “crappy”.
“Our manifesto has been clear all along: disengage, isolate, eliminate. It’s not true that we have been against action. But separate flexible elements first and finish the rest”.
He’s not much impressed by the present government, of course. And he’s not surprised. His party does not buy PML-N’s election win, and the ruling party’s successive blunders only vindicate opposition circles claiming the leadership has lost the mandate to rule.
The PTI’s not for upsetting the system, though. This is not the Qadri type of ‘revolution’ that is all the rage in the media. The demands here are clear. Investigate allegations of election fraud. Hold those responsible for it accountable. And make sure the electoral system is in tip-top condition by the next election. Otherwise the wrath of the people will indeed be upon the government.
Regrets?
None.
“To say I did not thoroughly enjoy my time at Engro would be wrong”, he starts explaining, and I can see what’s coming. He thrived in the corporate world, and loved every minute of it. There were new and effective HR strategies and CSR projects. And then there was “the best management team ever assembled in Pakistan”, and being part of it was a rare, rewarding experience.
Plus there were perks. It’s quite a ride down from first-class Emirates to economy class PIA. And the merc is no more. He took his Corolla all the way to Bahawalpur. “But these aren’t things I give much thought to”.
The root of the problem, he says, is the political system. “If it is not saved, even the Engros of Pakistan will be severely curtailed”. That is why it is more important to be in politics now.
And it’s clear he’s not just making a statement. He does believe he’s playing a role. And he will definitely have played a part if KPK’s budget is properly implemented. A lot of people will be better off if he’s also part of the committee that will oversee implementation. For the first time we’ll get to see if substantial increase in the education budget can really do wonders, among other novelties.
“I’m very concerned now about the scale of the problems confronting Pakistan”. Again I remind him that it might be too late for eager, well-intentioned whiz-kids to still realise the dream of naya Pakistan. Or something would have happened by now. And he still doesn’t buy the argument.
“That’s nonsense. It’s been done all over the world. There is a lot of promise in the country, and there is every reason to believe that we will succeed”.
Good luck with that.