Can the party hold together in case the chief is sentenced?
A split in the MQM has long been predicted. What stopped it from taking place was Altaf Hussain’s personal rapport with the party workers and the apparatus of terror under his control. For thousands of devotees Hussain carries the aura of a spiritual leader instead of being just the head of a political party. For an outsider Hussain’s outpourings may often border on ludicrous but party workers listen to them spell bound.
This alone would not have stopped the surfacing of differences in the party. The militant wing constitutes the ultimate deterrent against the dissidents. The fate of Imran Farooq, who was about to launch his own party, was a grim reminder of what could befall to those who took the threat lightly.
Altaf Hussain has been a stickler for discipline particularly in the Coordination Committee which is MQM’s highest party organ under the chief. In May last year speaking to the party workers in Karachi via telephone Hussain made it clear that there would be no tolerance in matters of discipline. A purge followed removing Saleem Shahzad, Raza Haroon and Asif Siddiqui from the organisational structure. Workers were told not to contact them anymore. Also suspended was the membership of former MNA Shamim Siddiqui and UK-based activist Muhammad Ahsan. Altaf then announced a revamped 23 member Rabita Committee and a 10 member Tanzeemi (organisational) Committee for Karachi.
The changes however failed to allay Hussain’s concerns. Former Karachi Mayor Mustafa Kamal remained absent from the country for months despite being elected Senator. It emerged that he had fled Karachi after developing differences with the chief and being humiliated by party workers. Finally, Kamal resigned from Senate and conscious of the dangers to his life in Karachi, left for Dubai.
Altaf Hussain has promoted a personality cult to maintain complete hold on the party. MQM workers are told they have to obey the leader blindly. None can question his wisdom. He is both the ideologue and the chief strategist.
Altaf Hussain has promoted a personality cult to maintain complete hold on the party. MQM workers are told they have to obey the leader blindly. None can question his wisdom. He is both the ideologue and the chief strategist. While the party claims to represent the urban middle class, Altaf Hussain is often called Pir Saheb, or a title reserved for spiritual leaders.
Altaf Hussain can rant against feudal lords, point an accusing finger at a certain party controlled by big landlords and still join the party as a coalition partner amidst thunderous clapping by MQM workers. He can lambast the capitalists and ally with them when they come to power. That too is fine with the unquestioning party activists. He poses as a democrat but directs the MQM to join Musharraf’s cabinet. He declares MQM to be a secular outfit but considers Tahirul Qadri his soul mate. He can one day speak about the unity of Sindh and the next day demand its bifurcation on linguistic basis and then threaten to go for a separate country. Party leaders simply parrot whatever mantra Altaf spells out. None has the courage to differ with the supremo.
Party leaders owe their position to the chief and lose it whenever he is unhappy with them Leaders have been routinely humiliated to let them realise that whatever they are is due to their being in the chief’s good books. There are no discussions inside the party on policy matters and therefore no differences. None is allowed to create his own sphere of influence. Those who try to do so are either removed from their position as happened in last year’s purge or eliminated like Imran Farooq.
There is hardly any party in the country which has not faced a division at some time in its history. The dissenters have subsequently formed their own breakaway groups and taken part in politics with new identities. They have even maintained good social relations with former colleagues. Not so in the case of MQM. The splits in the MQM have invariably led to bloody infighting that took the lives of scores of people from all sides. No go areas were created where rivals could enter only at risk to their lives.
There is hardly any party in the country which has not faced a division at some time in its history. The dissenters have subsequently formed their own breakaway groups and taken part in politics with new identities.
Altaf Hussain may or may not get sentenced in the money laundering case or in the two other cases against him that are under investigation. There is however little hope of his continuing to lead MQM with the former vigour. He is suffering from a lethal combination of diabetes and a heart condition and his health is fast declining. What is more the potential dissenters waiting in the wings know about this and are preparing to strike at the right moment. Will the Coordination Committee be able to keep the MQM in one piece in case Altaf Hussain is sentenced by the court or is unable to lead the party on account of bad health?
To start with, the Coordination Committee will lack the aura possessed by Altaf Hussain. None in the committee members has shown a similar capacity for histrionics. None can alternately thunder, sing, mimic or cry like the chief. None will be taken seriously if he was to say one thing on one day and its opposite the next day.
The Committee comprises old timers as well as younger but more articulate members. The former may develop differences among themselves or with the newcomers. There can be fights for control over party funds or the party’s militant wing. Will the Committee be able to overcome factionalism that is likely to emerge in days to come? Will the Coordination Committee be able to keep a tight control over its militant wing? Old issues that continue to rattle the workers despite a semblance of resolution might rise again. The debate over MQM being a purely mohajir nationalist outfit or a mainstream party is far from being settled.
Any break-up of the Coordination Committee amid wrangling and would not bode ill for the MQM but could lead to further lawlessness in Karachi.