Events in Thailand seem eerily familiar
That the fine difference between a martial law and a military coup is merely a matter of semantics was proved by the new role the army has assigned to itself in Thailand. On Tuesday when the military intervened, it was maintained that it had not staged a coup and had only come “to restore peace and order for people from all sides”. While the army has yet to reveal how long it will take it to finish the task, it should be no secret for those in Pakistan that the army usually comes for a number of years. Thailand’s army has staged at least 11 successful coups since the end of absolute monarchy in 1932. The last was in 2006.
Thailand is badly divided on rural-urban lines. The rural population is poor and less educated but enjoys majority. This explains why politicians supported by rural voters have won elections and formed governments. The urban middle and upper classes however remain generally unreconciled with the outcome of elections. They have over the years accused successive elected prime ministers of corruption. The latest round of unrest started last November when anti-government protesters took to streets to try to oust the then-Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. In December the prime minister dissolved the Lower House of Parliament in a bid to ease the crisis. Earlier this month, the Constitutional Court ousted Yingluck for taking action against a bureaucrat several years back. The removal was described by Yingluck’s supporters as an act of “judiciocracy”. The removal has however done little to resolve the political conflict. Elections had already been announced but the anti-government protesters refused to participate unless constitutional changes desired by them were first enacted.
The events in Thailand are likely to give many in Pakistan a sense of déjà vu. Within a year after the elections Imran Khan’s PTI is protesting in the streets. It has raised issues that can only be resolved by Parliament but despite enjoying a strong presence in Parliament it is not willing to resolve the issue at the forum. The Jamaat-e-Islami, with only four MNAs, insists that it will not accept anything other than sharia. Along with Tahirul Qadri’s Pakistan Awami Tehrik, the party wants a strict implementation of Zia-era constitutional provisions that require a legislator to be non-profligate and ameen. The PAT leader continues to threaten with street agitation. When political parties in countries with a history of military coups take recourse to street protests instead of resolving matters in Parliament, they are liable to be accused of preparing grounds for those in uniform. Equally responsible for the weakening of the system are the elected governments which do not give due importance to the Parliament.
