Much has changed since these people first played jihad
There never was any chance of the success of ongoing talks with the TTP. The leadership of various militant groups in the umbrella organisation would lose their authority in the tribal areas if there was peace. They would no more control huge amount of funds, caches of arms and private armies. The only way to put an end to militancy is through an effective operation that forces the leadership of the militant groups to sue for peace. That would be the proper time to tell the militants to join the mainstream or face perdition.
The army operation is feasible. The Taliban supporters constitute a mini minority while opposition to the militants is growing in all sections of society. Among those who oppose military operation is Jamaate Islami, a party which has supported all sorts of ignominies in the past
After whole heartedly supporting Gen Ziaul Haq throughout the eleven years of the darkest military rule in Pakistan’s history Jamaat e Islami is now critical of the army. It blames Musharraf, not Zia, for involving Pakistan in a conflict with which Pakistan has nothing to do. Munawar Hasan has declared Hakimullah Mehsud a martyr and maintains that if an American who died on the battlefield was not a martyr, then his backers were also not martyrs because they were chasing the same goal. For the army which had patronised the Jamaat for decades this must have been the unkindest cut of all.
The Jamaat also opposes the US now. The party had during the Cold War put its weight behind the US against the communist Soviet Union maintaining that the Americans believed in God and His Holy Book while the Russians were atheists. Hundreds of Jamaat workers participated in US sponsored jihad in Afghanistan.
The top leadership of the PMLN comes from conservative families where children received religious instruction from prayer leaders. Jihad was a religious obligation for them. As they grew up they were fed on Nasim Hijazi’s jihadi fiction which idealised heroes fighting the crusaders for the glory of Islam.
The PTI once opposed any military operation against the TTP. It is now agreeable to deploying military against those who are not willing to put an end to militancy through talks. Once the attacks in KP come down as a result of the operation, the party would fully support it.
The JUIF leadership has no love lost with the TTP which has tried to kill Fazlur Rehman several times in the past. The JUIF’s differences with the PML-N arose when it was not consulted and instead the PMLN took its rival faction led by Samiur Rehman on board.
The PPP will support the operation. The PPP and its workers had accused the US and the army for the judicial murder of ZAB. Henry Kissinger, it was alleged had threatened Bhutto of dire consequences for the latter’s keenness to pursue the nuclear programme. General Ziaul Haq had acted as a hangman. The PPP has now no quarrel with the US and stands by the army when it comes to operation against the TTP.
The liberals who were once known for opposition to the US and the army’s interference in politics are supportive of the US and the army as far as dealing with the militants is concerned.
Nawaz Sharif too is changed man in a number of ways
The top leadership of the PMLN comes from conservative families where children received religious instruction from prayer leaders. Jihad was a religious obligation for them. As they grew up they were fed on Nasim Hijazi’s jihadi fiction which idealised heroes fighting the crusaders for the glory of Islam.
The PML-N emerged on the political scene as a party of the establishment. Under Zia and for quite some time in the 1990s it stood by the army and was hand in glove with the ISI.
Many Lahorites would still remember the big hoarding on what was left of the Seetla Mandir near the Shah Alami crossing before 1988 elections. It portrayed Nawaz Sharif in the camouflage uniform of a commando, gun in hand, ready to attack.
Who could think that one day Sharif would became the most vocal critic of the army’s role in Pakistan. The generals, Sharif said in 2011, have done more harm to Pakistan than India. The PML-N however needs the army for getting rid of the TTP and would hopefully have good relations with it as long as the army abides by the constitution.
Some of the younger PML-N leaders who are in the federal cabinet emerged as student leaders opposing the left wing in colleges and universities and were often close to the IJT. Some of them took active part in the PNA led agitation against ZAB in 1977. Subsequently they too imbibed the jihadi culture. Circumstances have however forced most of them to realise that there is no way other than military operation to put an end to terrorism.
The present military leadership was nurtured in the army culture introduced by Ziaul Haq. In his zeal to impose an extreme version of Islam on society Zia began by giving the army a new motto “Iman, Taqva and Jihad fi sabilillah”.
There has been a visible, though partial, change in the army’s thinking also.
The present military leadership was nurtured in the army culture introduced by Ziaul Haq. In his zeal to impose an extreme version of Islam on society Zia began by giving the army a new motto “Iman, Taqva and Jihad fi sabilillah.” Follow up measures didn’t take long to come. Army messes became dry. Religiosity was widespread. More devout officers would encourage the reluctant ones to accompany them to the mosque to offer prayers. Beards of the Salafi type flourished with the result that it became difficult sometimes to differentiate an army officer from a TTP commander.
The eleven-year long campaign to turn a professional force into an Islamic army received further support from the US led Afghan jihad where the ISI was assigned the duty to train the international jihad brigade comprising fighters collected from all over the world. Many in the services and the ISI got radicalised in the process. It was quite a task to motivate the army to fight the Taliban who claimed they were not paid soldiers but were fighting solely for the glory of Islam.
The army had to take innumerable casualties before the common officer or the soldier could understand that it was necessary to fight the Taliban. While the religiosity in the military persists, the army is prepared to fight the new enemy.
Problems persist though. The army high command has yet to overcome its fondness for the good Taliban. It still treats certain groups as assets. The Haqqani network is one, Jamaat-ud-Dawa another. Hafiz Saeed is considered an invaluable asset and the real minimum credible deterrent against India.
It is time the mainstream parties hold mutual consultations and put the option of military operation before the National Assembly for vote.
