The time is not yet ripe, Mian sahib
Maj (retd) Yamin Butt
The history is not so much the mere existence of a nation that counts but what the nation does during various periods of existence. Present generation of Pakistan has been thoroughly confused about it due to lack of correct knowledge of various periods, absence of unbiased and fair analytical literature and cognizance with ground realities. They are misled by the plangent cries of power-hungry politicians, a segment of civil society and some factions of media, purporting the bitter history between military dictatorships and democracy.
A tyrannical era of loot and plunder commenced after the death of Quaid-e-Azam the leader and the father this newly born nation looked up to in blind unison. The country fell prey to the bureaucrats after Liaquat Ali Khan’s murder, instigating the dark days of political minefield. Prime ministers were changed so frequently that Jawahar Lal Nehru once made his famous comment: “I have not changed so many dhotis, the way Pakistan has changed her prime ministers”.
The trivialities of that era can be witnessed in the history books which may or may not justify the long list of debatable events which led Ayub Khan into power but history is undisputed that Khan’s 10-year rule was the era of deliverance and national honour for Pakistan on the global stage. Another huge and undeniable contribution of Ayub Khan was to give Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to Pakistan, a people’s leader who changed the course of political history of Pakistan in a series of good and bad events. Besides his great legacy, Bhutto made certain decisions which not only alienated him as a politician but also isolated the people from their beloved leader, paving way for other political parties to unite against him. In 1977, Mr Bhutto was thrown out by General Zia-ul-Haq in the aftermath of a popular movement by PNA, blaming him for rigging the elections.
General Zia’s action of hanging a popular leader, later termed as a judicial murder, divided the nation into pro Bhutto and anti-Bhutto segments. General Zia’s rule strengthened with the courtesy of the same political class who sat in his lap, elevating him to the altar of Ameer-ul-Momineen, using Islam as a political slogan.
After Zia, the short-lived, half-baked democratic intervals were nothing more than a blind man’s bluff between the ever-contending politicians, muscle-flexing army and threateningly inauspicious judiciary ensuing bemused public. Whatever the factors were behind the coup d’etat of 12th October, 1999, General Musharraf’s martial law and subsequent rule was immediately validated by the higher judiciary and the same politicians by a Legal Framework Order (LFO). Here again, came the aides and abettors at play.
The rule of army dictatorship cannot be understood unless elucidating the philosophy of the army. Army gets its share of adventure due to the brawls of politicians for power and non-deliverance to the common man. The army is an institution which nurtures the culture of obedience, discipline and comradeship, where bravery and patriotism becomes a habit, where chivalry and sovereignty of the country is exalted and politics under-valued, where virtue is rather understood in the classic sense of fortitude and courage than in the modern sense of true moral excellence.
The army is hierocratic, not democratic in its make. The decision of imposing martial law or military rule is always taken by the top brass while rest of the army is ostracized. Benefit of this power base is drawn by the army dictator due to its hierocratic nature, who lets the soldiers indulge in the game of ‘martyr’ and ‘ghazi’. The predicament resonated across the rank and file of the army during and after Pervez Musharraf’s rule.
Today, a question seems to have taken over the collective mind of our nation, “Is army protecting Musharraf?” The answer is simply ‘no’. The army is protecting its ‘image’, which is being irrationally disparaged by the media and some politicians, making Musharraf a symbol of the army. It is a risky business to malign the institution, directly or indirectly, by a parallel media trial which has not only indicted but convicted the former general under Article 6. Media is creating unnecessary hype for its own benefit and the government is pursuing it for its long term political gain and short term subterfuge from the real issues.
The script of Musharraf saga is written by Hollywood, sponsored by Saudi financiers and being directed by the authorities in Pakistan. Some supporting actors are trying to play beyond their designated roles only to make it a thrilling episode for the public. The end, however, is planned to be a tragic comedy.
Governments are only strong enough to take tough decisions when the public opinion is definite and undivided. The time is not yet ripe, Mian sahib.