In its formative phase
The author of the present book Kausar Parveen teaches history at Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad. As a research scholar the major area of her work is democratization in modern South Asia of which the instant study is a natural offshoot, and for that matter a significant one. It covers a period of some eleven years in the formative phase of Pakistan’s socio-political history and seeks to examine inter alia the general patterns of opposition in the politics of the country. Opposition political parties are usually regarded as ‘the most organized and institutionalized agents of political opposition in any society’ let alone ours.
The ‘Introduction’ explicates the intent of the study as ‘an attempt to understand the democratic process in Pakistan in the context of government-opposition relations, the importance of the opposition, its general functions in an emerging democracy, like the newly-independent Pakistan’. The questions raised in the book with their subsequent analyses are summarized thus:
1. The factors influencing the emergence, growth and development of opposition in a nationalpolitical framework in Pakistan, following independence of the country
2. Chief characters instrumental in forming the opposition parties with or without the support of the masses
3. Government-opposition equation during the period in view and its impact on the political system of the country
4. Role of opposition in constitution-making during the classified period and the response of the ruling class in the process
5. The stance of the opposition on the major contemporary issues and events and its success or failure in harnessing public opinion in its favour vis-a-vis the political developments in Pakistan
The book comprises six chapters captioned: 1) The role of the Opposition: A conceptual framework, 2) Emergence of the Opposition in Pakistan: Major determinants, 3) Rise, growth, and development of the Opposition, 5) The Opposition and constitution-making and (6) The Opposition and political development.
The author of the treatise has discussed the aforesaid issues in the spirit of a scientific investigator committed to separating the wheat from the chaff. Her observations and assumptions seem to carry the weight of her conviction — rooted in her vision, intellect, and approach. The concept of opposition, which stipulates tolerance and patience in a situation of dissent and division, is universally accepted as an inalienable ingredient of democracy. Hence it won’t be platitudinous to aver that the smooth functioning of a modern democratic system depends as much on the efficacy and workability of the opposition as on the efficiency and sustainability of the party or parties in power for it is only a strong and well-organized opposition that is apt to marginalize dictation and autocracy in the face of an ever-increasing authoritarian control on the affairs of governance on the part of the latter (the rulers).
The dimension of the present study is binary in character – on the micro level it is centred on the estimation of the role of opposition within the purview of the national political system dating back to the first and the early second decade of the post-independence era whereas on the macro level it is designed to encompass the subject in the international context concerning a host of developed and developing countries around the world.
The role of the opposition is conceptually debated in the opening chapter of the book. In democratic countries opposition has a lawful role to play while in non-democratic states opposition is outlawed. In theory, functions of opposition are considered congenital in regards to the viability of a democratic system. In practice it is deemed to be ‘an agent of democracy’ via the mechanics of the party system. The Western view of the opposition promotes representation, channelization and diversification leading to conciliation or unification. Pakistan had a one-party dominant rule during the period from 1947 to 1954 where-after emerged a multi-party system with unstable coalition governments terminating in the 1958 martial law.
During the period I view, the growing divide between the rulers and the opposition in Pakistan owed itself to the ethnic, linguistic, and socio-cultural incongruities between its various federating units. The military-bureaucratic oligarchy, over a period of time, served to aggravate the situation rather than defusing it. The right and left in the political jargon denote conservatism and progressivism respectively. Opposition parties have been categorized as rightist or leftist in the line of this demarcation. The leading right-wing opposition political parties at that time were Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan, Tehrik-i-Istehkam-i-Pakistn, Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam, Jamiat Al-Ulma-i-Islam, Islam League, and Nizam-i-Islam Party; the left wing of the opposition parties mainly comprised of National Congress, Pakistan Scheduled Castes Federation, Khudai Khidmatgar, Pakistan Peoples’ Party, Anjuman-i-Watan Party, Azad Pakistan Party, Ganatantari Dal, Sindh Awami Mahaz, Pakistan National Party, and National Awami Party. Besides, there were three centrist parties viz., Pakistan Muslim League, Awami League and Klrishak Saramik Party. They were moderate parties advocating mixed socio-economic programmes and supporting the West-aligned foreign policy of the county.
The PML dominated the political scene in the country until 1954. The period from 1954 to 1958 was the era of coalition politics in the country bearing far-reaching effects on the growth and evolution of the opposition in its political set-up. A graphic description of the political manoeuvrings in both wings of the country with their ominous fall out resulting into the malfunctioning of the body politic is a subject of interest in the fourth chapter.
Pakistan saw one constitution in the period in view (1956) that embodied the 1949 Objectives Resolution and envisaged a federal parliamentary system. Owing to its latent incongruities, it failed to contribute to political stability in the country and finally broke down with the imposition of the 1958 martial law.
The last chapter of the book offers an in-depth analysis of ‘political development and its impact on the behaviour of the political opposition with focus on the opposition response to particular problems related with nation-building, political participation, institutionalization, and the legitimacy of the political system’. Opposition’s mobilization of public opinion culminating into some popular movements like Peasant Movement in East Pakistan, Language Movement in East Pakistan, Anti-Ahmadiyya Movement in the Punjab, and Anti-One Unit Movement in West Pakistan is also discussed at length. In fact the character and calibre of the opposition tends to determine the legitimacy of a political system. The widening gap between the government and opposition in this country served to diminish this legitimacy over the years.
The protagonists in this game were some elements of civil-military bureaucracy and a bunch of self-seeking politicians and diplomats. The book is thus an apt exposition of its theme: the role of the opposition in the politics of Pakistan during the period 1947-1958. There seems to be enough substance in Prof. Ian Talbot’s assertion that ‘This is a promising topic which can shed further light on the reasons for the failure of Pakistan’s first experiment with democracy.’
The Politics of Pakistan: Role of the Opposition – 1947-1958
Author: Kausar Parveen
Publisher: Oxford University Press, Karachi
Pages: 363; Price: Rs 995/-
