The growing fear syndrome

The absolute necessity to go for the one least likely to do the job

“They came first for the communists, and I didn’t speak up because I was not a communist. Then they came for the Jews, and I didn’t speak up because I wasn’t a Jew. Then they came for the trade unionists, and I didn’t speak up because I wasn’t a trade unionist. Then they came for the Catholics, and I didn’t speak up because I was a Protestant. And then they came for me and, by that time, no one was left to speak up”.

–Rev Martin Niemoeller, a Protestant Minister in Nazi Germany

Practically everyone seems resigned to the inevitability of nothing significant happening in the country by way of improvement in governance, but few are willing to pinpoint the inherent ailment that incessantly thwarts the prospect of any such development. This is principally because of an intertwined chain of interests that moves from one beneficiary to the next.

Besides other relatively insignificant issues, the bloated fear syndrome that the ruling political mafia is afflicted with is the determining factor that is gravely impacting the affairs of governance. This syndrome determines what is not to be done in preference to what should be done. The scourge manifests itself in ensuring that every person considered for appointment to a key position measures up successfully to the benchmark of being the one who is least likely to do the job that he/she is entrusted with.

Take the case of appointing the chairman of the National Accountability Bureau (NAB). There are innumerable pending cases against the ruling mafias, the Sharifs, the Zardaris, and the likes. The open and blatant defiance of the Supreme Court (SC) injunction by the previous government with regard to writing the letter to the Swiss authorities in the matter of Zardari’s illicit millions is a case in point: the PPP leadership preferred to sacrifice its prime minister at the altar of contempt of court, but did not budge till the matter was time-barred, leaving little prospect for the Swiss authorities to reopen the graft cases. Thus an individual’s gain was ensured in preference to national interest.

The current incumbents have imbibed immeasurably from the experience of the previous five years and would be putting every bit of that to good use to ensure that their personal billions, accumulated through years of misuse of the powers of their office, are not exposed to any risk. Consequently, their decisions would be solely guided by appointing weak people with tarnished backgrounds and impaired integrity to key positions so that they, like the Mamnoon Hussain in the presidency, would forever remain loyal to their personal dictates.

So, expecting that the newly-appointed chairman NAB would pursue anything meaningful to recover the illicit billions from either the Sharifs or the Zardaris and their minions would be nothing more than wishful thinking. He may try a trick here and there, but he has been selected to do a job: protect the ruling corrupt with regard to their ignominious past and look the other way if they amass more of the same in the future. That he would do without a blemish. So, his reported statements that “all available resources will be put to use to wipe out corruption from national institutions and for ensuring merit” and “to regain the confidence of masses, NAB needs to show performance and reopen cases without differentiation of political affiliation or influence” should be treated as just that: mere statements.

No wonder the country is tottering at number 13 on the latest failed states index faring only slightly better than Somalia, Congo, Sudan, South Sudan, Chad, Yemen, Afghanistan, Haiti, Central African Republic, Zimbabwe, Iraq and Cote d’Ivoire. Rest assured, those who have proudly assumed charge for a third time and who have contributed immeasurably to this harrowing spectacle, would suffer no shame.

It is the same fear syndrome that drives the palpable lack of decision-making regarding the appointment of the next Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (CJCSC) and the Chief of Army Staff (COAS). The CJCSC has now been gone for a few days, but no successor has been announced. In the case of the COAS, the incumbent is due to retire towards the end of next month, but there are no signs of his replacement yet. This, per se, is in violation of the norms of announcing appointments to key positions well in advance to avoid the prospect of unnecessary speculation. That is exactly what is happening: just about everyone is pontificating regarding his or her preference for the positions, thus creating a charged environment which may not prove to be conducive for the working of those who are ultimately inducted to assume the duty.

The factor that is contributing to a delay in announcing the appointments is a combination of the past experience and the wish to select a person who would abide by the princely proclamations without question. In addition to his personal proclivities, this infatuation is further incensed by the coterie of army-bashers that the prime minister is surrounded with. It is not beyond the reckoning of these incorrigible sycophants to recommend abolishing the post of the COAS altogether and let the prime minister assume the charge. After all, in addition to being the prime minister, he is also presiding over key ministries including the foreign and the defence. This would add another feather to his cap. The country has already suffered a ‘civilian’ martial law administrator, so why not a ‘civilian’ Chief of Army Staff also?

There is much talk of merit in the selection of these individuals, but who determines it and what are the benchmarks to evaluate it? There is also this boo-boo of going by the seniority: if that were the case, why this unnecessary delay in announcing the appointments? Much that the ruling mafias may desire, the seniority list is not going to change.

It’ll be none of the above. Such statements are only meant for public consumption. The sole denominator for selecting such a person would be that he, in preference to the needs of the institution and the country, would be guided by defending and advancing the stakes of the ruling family. Bhutto tried to do it by selecting General Zia ul Haq – a relative non-entity in strict military terms – who was destined to take him to the gallows. The Sharifs forced out Gen Jehangir Karamat over a trifle and landed themselves up with Gen Musharraf – another relative non-entity this time on account of ethnic considerations – who was to be their undoing a year later.

 They are haunted by these past demons and would do every bit to ensure that the experience is not repeated. But that’s exactly what they cannot do. They are mistaken that by taking longer than they should, they can muster the courage to overcome this inherent fear or drive out the prospect of a repeat show consequent upon following a flawed process.

Leadership is determined by display of courage and resolve under trying circumstances. But, then, what leadership are we talking about? Leadership that is the product of a rigged election as has been amply demonstrated by the NADRA report in NA-256 where thumb impressions examination of 84,748 votes cast was conducted out of which 57,642 could not be authenticated? That works out to a whopping 68 per cent. Additionally, 5,893 votes were found to be duplicate, and another 1,950 were declared fake. What would be the legitimacy of the May 11 election if a fair and transparent evaluation was carried out throughout the country which is the demand of some political parties also?

This is a fake leadership ‘elected’ by conducting a rigged election. This enactment is the by-product of a grand self-securing compromise among the leading political mafias that are determined to safeguard their illicitly secured wealth and positions for which they are willing, even eager to extend a helping hand to the other. One still remembers the thundering proclamations of the younger brother to hang Zardari in public for his corruption – a statement that was much castigated even from within his own party. Why? Because they knew that if any such operation were to begin in earnest, it would inevitably lead to their necks. So, a policy of co-habitation has been assiduously formalised by the leading ruling mafias that would protect the corrupt and their criminal associates.

While the rulers enjoy ever increasing prosperity, it is the poor who are grinded woefully more with every passing day. In the name of fulfilling the IMF conditions for securing a loan – another broken promise from the pre-election days – the PML-N government is inflicting people with one draconian stroke after the other. Living is becoming ever more difficult. So, it could be that the militants – who are much endeared to the ruling mafias and their collaborators – do not have to bomb them out any longer. They have been reduced to the fringes of life in any case.

That brings me to the telling part of Rev. Martin Niemoeller’s saying: “…And then they came for me and, by that time, no one was left to speak up”. This is the continuing tragedy of the people of this country: they don’t speak up, and when they do, it is either too late, or irrelevant.

Raoof Hasan is a political analyst and the Executive Director of the Regional Peace Institute. He can be reached at: [email protected]