PML-N alliance with MQM

Who will it benefit the most?

It is good for the president to be seen to be commanding the widest possible support in the country. The PML-N is thus justified to approach other political parties to vote for its presidential candidate. The party is no doubt in a position to get Mamnoon Hussain elected on its own as it already enjoys the backing of allies from Sindh and Balochistan that include the PML-F, NP and PkMAP. Wahdatul Muslimeen, representing the Shia community, is also supporting the PML-N candidate. So are most of the FATA parliamentarians. To dispel the perception that Mamnoon Hussain only represents the PML-N or the coalition hammered together by it after winning the elections, Nawaz Sharif has decided to rope in two other parties as well: the JUI-F and the MQM. The former has been pressing the PML-N to include it into the coalition in disregard of polite rebuffs. The MQM too has made several overtures of the sort after PML-N emerged with a solid electoral majority. Altaf Hussain announced that his party would vote for Nawaz Sharif when he contested for the prime minister’s slot. Subsequently, the MQM parliamentarians called on the new prime minister to assure him of their unsolicited support. For its part, the PML-N continued to ignore both the JUI-F and the MQM till the announcement of the presidential elections. On Friday, a high level delegation of the party including its presidential nominee visited Nine Zero to seek Altaf Hussain’s support. Keen to come out of the woods, the MQM willingly agreed. Ishaq Dar subsequently invited the party to join the cabinet. Whether the MQM is willing to accept the offer depends upon the price it demands for cooperation and the willingness of the PML-N to pay it. For the time being the MQM has said that it would consult its top leadership.

In 2002 and 2008 the governments desperately needed the help of the MQM, the first for having symbolic representation from Sindh where PPP had been sidelined despite its majority, and the second for sustaining its shaky minority government. Both governments were willing to pay any price asked by the MQM. The present PML-N government, on the other hand, can very well do without the MQM’s support. It is therefore in a position to refuse to surrender to the MQM’s unacceptable demands. The PML-N which twice entered into alliance with the MQM, each one ending prematurely and in acrimony, hardly needs anyone to enlighten it about the objectives or working style of the MQM.

The common man will pass judgment on the success or failure of the alliance on the basis of three touchstones. One, will the alliance help bring peace to Karachi by putting an end to the unending killing spree and extortion? Two, will it enable the census commission to hold a genuine and honest population count in Sindh? Third, will a fair delimitation of the constituencies of urban Sindh be possible even if it is opposed by the MQM?