Subversive spaces

Challenging gender norms in South Asia

The development of gender regimes in South Asia is influenced by the dynamics of various social systems of organisation. In opposition to an ‘essentialist’ standpoint, South Asians have used various channels to disrupt normative concepts about gender, ranging from the existence of public identities to the symbolic deconstruction of a phallocratic order. Although, certain practices such as transsexualism might seem subversive, they reiterate the efficacy of patriarchal society while other seemingly minor customs within the private sphere grant individuals greater agency.

According to historian Joan Scott, gender is an important “way of signifying relationships of power” as it reflects the hierarchical organisation of social institutions. The interplay between ‘gender’ and ‘power’ can be observed in Mughal society where elite masculinity was synonymous with public relationships of power and control over knowledge, over material commodities, over women. The existence of spheres such as the Mughal ‘mehfil’ problematised the rigid assignment of roles as it subverted the patriarchal and hierarchical norms in pursuit of emotional satisfaction. The young male performers were often singularised as objects of erotic desire, relating a homosexual element and placing the performers within a space traditionally assigned to women. In turn, the ability of the effeminate figure to temporarily “rob” the elite male of his self-control and virtue” posed a threat to masculine control. The Indo-Persian discourse left a space for experimentation as what was not spoken or seen in the public arena effectively did not happen, creating a possibility for homoerotic relationships without fear of stigmatisation.

The fluidity of sexual archetypes is most apparent through the inherently ambiguous position hijras in India occupy by locating themselves outside the binary frame of reference. They create separate identity as neither men nor women by publicly performing distinctive practices such as the hand clap and the lifting of their sari to expose their genatalia. Hijras present a range of sexual categories reflecting their ‘thirdness’ in a society of categorical absolutes; some of them even have families and an alternative heterosexual life outside of their interactions with other hijras. Although hijras deconstruct the relation between natural gender and grammatical gender they also reinforce phallocentric sexuality by accentuating the difference between the effeminate kothi (penetrated) and the masculine panthi (penetrated).

Likewise, other subversive categories such as transsexualism also depict traditional anxieties concerning women and sexuality and often characterise the inferiority of women or present a gynophobic attitude. In Hindu mythology, Ramakrishna’s story and his desire to experience the world as a woman is countered by his “powerfully phobic attitude towards the female body” which he views as “threatening and devouring”. Certain tradition requires the male worshipper to visualise himself as female as the goal of the devotees, who are spiritually female is to be completely controlled by the male deity, reflecting the subservient position of women of Indian marital relationships.

Hindu mythology offers a critical metaphor for understanding the dichotomy between male authority and female power on the human level. While the myths reaffirm social practices, showing an inequality of power structures between male and female deities, they conversely provide a space to pervert these norms through a divine realm. Tantric mythology portrays the erotic goddess as a ‘life giving figure’ who infuses the male with her own powers, creating an esoteric pattern of power. Similarly, the divine woman can also take away life as in the story of Mahisa, where the female figure beheads him draining life’s breath through the draining of the semen. The undertaking of this action requires the woman to be stripped of traditional feminine traits such sensitivity and she insists she is really a man and her consort is a mere eunuch. The low ranking deities who attack men embody the visualisation of male fear of female sexuality as they take away the phallus or object of ‘manhood’. The dangerous goddess overturns the role of the obedient wife, presenting the female as a potentially dominant figure.

The centrality of the household in Indian culture makes it a space that constructs and signifies basic gender roles. As a pretty adequate portrayal of Indian culture, Deepa Mehta’s film Fire subverts the patriarchal kinship structure by presenting the struggle of two women experiencing ‘unconventional’ homosexual attraction while being bound in heterosexual relationships. The character of Sita, a newly married girl with progressive ideals is set in diametric opposition to the older, mature Radha who is aware of her wifely duties. From the onset of the film, Sita’s attempt to renounce tradition is visualised by her adornment of male clothing and putting aside her sari. According to Reddy, an Indian writer, “clothing is the most visible marker of identity” and groups such as hijras often identify themselves as such “by their adoption of female clothing”. Sita’s resistance is visible throughout the film as she questions her husband, responds to his physical abuse and urges Radha to give in to her desire. The most blatant example of Sita’s rebellion lies at the end of the movie, where she leaves the patriarchal structure in pursuit of her desire to live freely with Radha.

In a society where social relationships appear to define one’s identity and status adequately depicted by the quote: “a woman without a husband is like boiled rice: bland, unappetising and useless”, Sita is able to construct an alternative identity by virtue of human desire. She counters the popular depiction of the ‘third world women’ as a coherent group with identical interests and desires, creating a space for women to exercise their will. The naming of homosexually inclined, dissident woman after Sita, the ideal, pure, chaste, faithful heroine of the Ramayana can be viewed as an effort to redefine Indian ideals of femininity.

The Hindu woman as a mistress of the house becomes a custodian of the family ‘dharma’ and her role as a mother allows her to become a transmitter of important religious knowledge. The popular definition of the woman as a ‘wife and mother’, however, restricts the societal function of the woman and leads to the representation of woman as homogenous ideological composite other. Despite their subsidiary position, Hindu women are able to exercise control within the confined region of their households. The observance of exclusively female vows or vratas performed collectively generates a sense of ‘feminine solidarity’ and the practice of abstinence allows women to govern themselves. As the vows are typically connected with the prosperity of her family, the woman has some control over the karma of the entire household including the male members who are, in essence, spiritually dependant on her.

In recent times, South Asian women have challenged institutional patriarchy by appearing as public agents of change. The women in the anti-arrack movement successfully destabilised the economy of Andhra-Pradesh exercising their capacity as political actors. The iconic image of Phoolan Devi – “The figure of a woman, arms upraised, rifle held aloft” exemplifies the inversion of the traditional woman, presenting herself as a capable leader of the community. Women’s excursion into male social spaces can be traced back to the Mughal era when Maryam Anaga, King Akbar’s fourth prime minister and wet nurse held charge of the royal household and held state administration. Although women’s involvement in the public sphere has remained significantly lower, their frequent transgression of gender boundaries indicates a progressive movement into the public sphere.

The range of material evidence suggests that a variety of practices have been available to South Asians in their attempts to overturn normative conceptions of gender roles. However, contemporary understanding of transgression such as gender fluidity often reiterates strict binary functions and the subordinate position of women. A closer inspection of private spaces such as the household reveals that individuals might redefine patriarchal heteronormativity while operating within traditional frameworks.

The writer is a staff member of Pakistan Today and holds a degree from Mount Holyoke College.