Despite the formation of government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, it could be hard for the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) leaders to implement manifesto as most of their policies and strategies could be influenced by their allies from the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and Qaumi Watan Party (QWP).
Unlike the PTI, lawmakers of JI and QWP are experienced politicians.
The PTI has 55 of 122 seats in KP Assembly and the election commission has announced by-polls in two constituencies. The party is also enjoying the support of 10 QWP, eight JI and five Awami Jamhoori Ittehad (AJI) members. A few independents and lone MPA of the All Pakistan Muslim League have also extended support.
According to agreement, both the QWP and JI would get three ministries each. Whereas the PTI is planning to give two ministries to independents and one to the AJI. On such grounds, nine ministers will be out of PTI’s agenda regarding change.
No one can neglect the fact that PTI is considered liberal and even progressive whereas the position of JI is different and the QWP is trying to get political identity as “nationalist” party. The PTI and JI would have confrontation on educational reforms and promotion. On the other hand, both the PTI and QWP differ on Afghanistan and presence of US-led allied troops there.
PTI’s Pervez Khattak has become the chief minister, but he is yet to declare his party or government stance on terrorism and militancy. He is waiting for the federal government’s policy on this issue. Likewise, the PTI policies regarding future of Federally Administrative Tribal Areas (FATA) are also unclear. Though some of the PTI leaders believe that fate of FATA could be decided according to the wishes of FATA people, but they (tribesmen) are disintegrated on such issue since inception of the country in August 1947 last.
The KP suffered a lot during the fall of Dhaka. On one hand, this region was converted into ruins due to involvement first in the so-called cold war and later in war on terror. Whereas economically, KP and its people deprived of economic progress and prosperity on pretext of “location disadvantages”. On both issues, people from this part of the country have rejected not only nationalists but also Islamists (JUI-N) and patriots (PML(N) in 2013 general elections. They voted for new parties like PTI, QWP, AJI and even JI.
Whatever might be strategies and policies of political forces, but it is clear that existing issues in KP could be tackled through unanimity. The PTI remains at loggerheads not only with PPP and its allies, but its leadership is reluctant to shake hands with the PML-N and Jul-F.
Likewise, the QWP is more confrontative towards ANP and similar is the situation between JI and JUI-F. The QWP and JI have become part of coalition government just to settle scores with the ANP and JUI-F. On such grounds no one could expect a major shift in plight of KP and its people as allies could exploit PTI’s compulsions for own strategies and objectives.
Hard for PTI to implement manifesto in KP
