Negative perceptions about the PML-N

The party shall remain under watch for its preferences

The way the PML-N tried to build bridges with erstwhile competitor Imran Khan has been widely noted. So were suggestions from the party to entrust the office of the National Assembly speaker to PKMAP chief Mehmood Khan Achakzai. Keeping in view the party’s non- conciliatory attitude towards rivals, many remain unconvinced of a change of heart this time round. The skeptics have their reasons.

Much bonhomie was displayed towards the PPP in the aftermath of the 2008 elections. This however was replaced within months by a policy of all out struggle that characterized the relations between the two for nearly five years. The PML-N’ critics maintain that the party mindset is opposed to reconciliation or sharing power with others.

Now that the PML-N is set to emerge as the single largest party in the National Assembly, the tendency for exclusiveness could reassert itself. In case this happens, the PTI’s government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is likely to be the first victim. Other moves in the direction could include ganging up with the MQM to overthrow the PPP government in Sindh.

The PML-N had in the 1990s been intolerant of the opposition parties, the critical section of the press and the judiciary. Saifur Rehman was assigned the task of persecuting political opponents using the accountability machinery and a number of pliant judges. Attempts were also made to muzzle the media.

It is easy for politicians to continue to praise the judiciary as long as the verdicts given by it are in their favour – or against their political opponents. The test comes when the courts start passing adverse judgments against one. Soon after the PML-N takes over its conduct will be under close constant scrutiny by the common man, civil society and the opposition parties. The Supreme Court is not only independent but also assertive. Incidents of administrative high handedness, misuse of authority, objectionable acts of commission or commission on the part of the government are going to land up in the courts. Will the ‘N’ leadership with big mandate react differently to adverse judgments this time?

There is a perception that the PML-N has a soft corner for the extremists and militants. In the past it has made election alliances with the banned sectarian outfits operating under different names. Shahbaz Sharif in fact once appealed to the terrorist organisations to spare Punjab because, as he put it, his government was not pro-US. There was subsequently a reduction in these attacks. Attacks on religious minorities and minority sects however continued unabated. Meanwhile the Punjab government denied the existence of Punjabi Taliban, maintaining that the term was a figment of imagination. It was pointed out by other parties that the LeJ had set up its headquarters in Punjab from where it operated against minority sects in other provinces. Further that the government knew this but preferred to look the other way.

The fact that the TTP agreed to make the PML-N one of the three guarantors of a negotiated peace confirms that the militants have a soft corner for the party. The PML-N has all along stood for talks with the TTP opposing the use of force as futile. In the last statement on the issue Nawaz has given priority to talks but has not altogether ruled out recourse to force. Now that he is going to assume power, many await the result of his efforts to restore peace in the country through negotitions.

With the election fever capturing the tribal areas also, the TTP is under severe pressure from FATA where people want to resolve issues through the ballot paper rather than bullets. The military operation has also put the militant outfit under severe pressure. Ehsanullah Ehsan has therefore again revived the offer of talks, this time hinting at the possibility of a ceasefire also. But the ceasefire is predicated by unspecified conditions. According to the TTP spokesman it can take place “once the new government takes some serious steps.”

After the new government is formed and has received a briefing from the army and the security agencies, it is likely to go ahead with the parleys. Any agreement brokered with the Pakistani Taliban has to be within the purview of the constitution and the law of the land. The Taliban have to be told that the nation stands by the Quaid’s concept of a modern, pluralistic, and democratic Pakistan.

The distinction between the good Taliban and the bad Taliban is untenable in real life. It is not enough to reiterate that the militants will not launch attacks inside Pakistan. They cannot be allowed to launch attacks on other countries from Pakistan’s soil in the name of jihad. Pakistan has to act as a responsible member of the comity of nations.

The PML-N has yet to overcome some of its outdated prejudices. Women and minorities find no mention in its election manifesto. The party has no concept of the empowerment of women. It still fails to realise that some of the laws introduced by Zia militate against the minorities.

The PML-N is notorious for concentrating power in the hands of its leaders. The latest example is the Punjab administration under Shahbaz Sharif where the chief minister held half a dozen key portfolios. What is more he tried to micro-manage the province. This is against the cabinet system of government. If not discontinued the practice would weaken the institutions.

The PML-N leadership belongs to the business class. One expects that it will persuade and, if that does not produce results, will pressurise the business community to pay taxes. One hopes that its administration will reduce indirect taxes which burden the common man. There is a perception that the PML-N might as usual ignore the intransigence of the business community, allowing them to dodge tax payment as before.

One is tired of hearing that the party would break the begging bowl. It can never do so as long as it s unable to raise the tax to GDP ratio considerably.

Rural poverty cannot be dispensed with in the absence of radical land reforms. One does not expect the PML-N to make any move in that direction. It can however enforce agricultural income during its tenure. Many businessmen own agricultural land as it helps them to hide their real income. This explains why provincial assemblies have opposed the measure in the past.

In case the PML-N government is not willing to put a squeeze on the business community or the big agriculturists, the country will have to live on the dole as before. The major sufferer would be the common man.

The party leadership has special relations with the Saudi royals. The PML-N should use the relations to seek a ban on financial assistance to sectarian outfits in Pakistan from Saudi charities and private individuals. The relationship must not be allowed to adversely affect Pakistan’s national interests. Pakistan has to stay neutral in gulf rivalries. Becoming a party in isolating and targeting Iran goes against Pakistan, which needs to develop good relations with all neighbouring countries. The Pak-Iran gas pipeline project must not be put on the backburner or canceled.

Many will watch if the PML-N is willing to remove the negative perceptions about the party.

The writer is a political analyst and a former academic.