The patriarchal papas of Pakistan

The Pakistan Army takes after an elite boys club

To say that the Pakistan Army has been known to dabble in matters that supersede its jurisdiction would be an obvious understatement. The upcoming elections mark a historic moment as it is the first time that a democratic government in a country prone to military coups has completed its five-year term, to be succeeded (almost certainly) by another elected government. Heavily criticized for its interference in politics, policy-making and other matters of national concern, the Army is often recognized as the single most powerful institution in Pakistan. Tainted by a history of military regimes, democracy in Pakistan is under a constant threat whereby non-compliance with the Army’s agenda might lead to a disavowal of the respective party. While such observances are common place, marginally less attention is paid to the composition of the Army which stands as the proverbial Goliath over a distraught nation.

Pakistan’s primary powerbroker, that has historically viewed itself as the guardian of the country’s stability and a “cleansing force” in politics, has an active force of 620,000 personnel (IISS). Out of this staggering number, only 4000 are women and even fewer are minorities. Most of the women are recruited in the capacity of doctors or nurses – a study shows that 3,000 female officers are employed in the AFNS (Armed Forces Nursing Services), 600 serve as doctors in the AMC (Army Medical Corps) and a handful of the remaining officers serve as officers in non-combatant roles in the ISPR, Signals and Engineering departments of the military. The failure to recruit women for combative roles reinforces the normative gender ideals that women are physically incompetent and lack emotional resilience. Furthermore, women are kept out of the strategic planning divisions and intelligentsia, pushing them back into ‘private’, safe spheres that garner the least public attention. The systematic exclusion of women from a powerful state institution alienates them from a sense of ownership and belonging to their country, reinforcing their status as the subordinate sex that needs to be ‘taken care of.’ The contention with the current gender dynamic of the army is not only that women are not recruited, but also that their roles are made invisible. Take for example, that accounts of our major wars tend to cast men as protectors and doers while women are portrayed as passive bystanders – doctors, nurses, wives.

The Pakistan Army takes after an elite boys club, actively reflecting the marginalization of women, ethnic groups and minorities. Much of the criticism of the Army’s composition has centered on the disproportionately large number of Punjabis recruited by the army throughout the course of its history. While supposed efforts are being made to draft a greater number of personnel from Balochistan, Sindh and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the current structure of the army reinforces that the culture of ethnic supremacy that plagued the country in its formative years has only worsened with time. The intersection of militarism, patriarchy and ethnocentrism has undoubtedly contributed into making the Army the hegemonic establishment that it is today. How can we expect any military government or institution to enact social justice when its very own structure and the values it imbibes are so blatantly discriminatory?

It can be argued that military forces, as they exist today, are inherently patriarchal. While increasing the recruitment of marginalized groups and inviting women into combat might seem like the answer, such progressions provoke us to question whether the very concept of an army centered on war is hegemonic. Feminist Carol P. Christ argues that “patriarchy is a system of male dominance, rooted in the ethos of war which legitimates violence, sanctified by religious symbols, in which men dominate women through the control of female sexuality and in which men who are heroes of war are told to kill men, and are permitted to rape women, to seize land and treasures, to exploit resources, and to own or otherwise dominate conquered people.” If we examine the historical trajectory of war and the military, Christ’s definition of patriarchy upholds the agendas of armies more justly than their official mandate of ‘protecting their nation.’ This insinuates that merely becoming more involved in a military force does not automatically liberate women from exploitive relationships. Rather, women who choose to join military forces have to combat both external enemy and the patriarchal attitudes and actions within the military force itself. The reality is that militarism serves to reinforce and reproduce unequal gender relations as military organizations remain distinctly patriarchal institutions by maintaining a sexual division of labor, with most women occupying subordinate positions in the military mirroring stereotypical female roles in the civilian sector. The only time the military actively sought to draft women for assignments other than duties in medical setups was in 2006, during Gen. Musharaf’s era of “enlightened moderation.” However, this instance must be viewed with skepticism since no further steps were taken to induct women in the military on a large scale, suggesting that Musharraf’s decision stemmed from his desire to depict himself as a ‘progressive leader’ rather promoting gender equality.

What is especially troubling about the military in Pakistan is that it has an overarching influence in all socio-political spheres. The estrangement of women and minorities from the military means that they cannot access positions of power and undermines any serious attempt at creating social justice. The ideology of militarism and military organizations produce, mobilize and construct gender identities in ways promote patriarchal ideologies and practices. It is time for the Pakistan Army to step away from throne and carry out some introspection – how can it rightly defend its people and combat sectarianism when it does not open its doors to all varieties of Pakistanis?

The writer is a staff member of Pakistan Today and holds a egree from Mount Holyoke College.